ICLE Comments to the NAIC RE: CLO Modified RBC Structure with Tranche Thickness

ICLE Comments to the NAIC RE: CLO Modified RBC Structure with Tranche Thickness

The International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) respectfully submits these comments on the American Academy of Actuaries’ March 2026 presentation on CLO C-1 factor . . .

The International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) respectfully submits these comments on the American Academy of Actuaries’ March 2026 presentation on CLO C-1 factor modeling and Proposal 2025-22-IRE MOD concerning CLO RBC structure with tranche thickness. At the Spring 2026 National Meeting, the RBC Investment Risk and Evaluation Working Group exposed the Academy’s CLO presentation for comment through April 16 and re-exposed a modified version of Proposal 2025-22-IRE through April 17. That re-exposure, rather than final adoption of a new factor regime, reflects an appropriately measured posture.[1]

ICLE supports the NAIC’s prudential objective. Insurer solvency oversight requires regulators to assess increasingly complex assets, and the NAIC’s work in this area is plainly consequential. Our concern is narrower and more institutional: where an accreditation-backed, nationally influential process is considering increasingly granular investment-policy judgments, the better course is to proceed with transparent incrementalism, to favor the simplest administrable rule that fits the evidence, and to avoid hard-coding methodological choices before they are clearly stable and reproducible.[2]

A substantial academic literature helps explain why that kind of restraint is warranted. In Is U.S. Insurance Regulation Unconstitutional?, Daniel Schwarcz argues that many NAIC materials function with the practical force of law because state insurance codes commonly require adherence to current NAIC manuals and related materials. He further argues that this occurs through dynamic incorporation by reference, even though the NAIC is a private entity not subject to the ordinary procedural safeguards that govern public rulemaking and administrative review.[3] Whether or not one accepts the article’s broadest constitutional conclusion, its institutional point is hard to ignore: when NAIC materials can effectively shape binding state regulatory outcomes, the case for modesty in highly technical policymaking becomes stronger, not weaker.

The NAIC accreditation program underscores that point. Schwarcz describes accreditation as creating powerful incentives for states to remain aligned with NAIC standards, including because a loss of accreditation can expose domestic insurers to costly multi-state examinations and create pressure for redomestication, job loss, and lost tax revenue.[4] At the same time, he also recognizes the real benefits of NAIC-led uniformity and agility and suggests that states could preserve those benefits while adding review safeguards, including through an interstate-compact-style oversight mechanism or by allowing a meaningful period for state review of NAIC materials before they become operative.[5] That is a useful frame here: the answer to institutional concern is not hostility to the NAIC, but procedural discipline and regulatory modesty.

The NAIC’s own recent issue brief on SVO discretion points in the same direction.[6] The brief fairly emphasizes that the NAIC cannot unilaterally reject or override a rating and that any discretionary review is intended for limited circumstances with notice rights, appeal rights, and regulator oversight. But the same brief also confirms that regulators, through the NAIC, are developing due-diligence standards for credit rating providers; that the SVO Credit Committee may place a filing-exempt security under review; that a three-notch materiality test is applied; and that, if regulators authorize removal of a CRP rating from filing exemption and no alternate CRP rating is available, the SVO’s designation becomes the NAIC designation.[7] Properly understood, the brief does not show arbitrary power. It shows that substantial evaluative authority over complex credit instruments is already concentrated within the NAIC-centered process. That is another reason to avoid layering in additional granularity unless the incremental gain is clearly justified.

Those institutional considerations matter acutely in the CLO project. The Academy’s March 2026 presentation describes a working model and the Spring 2026 meeting summary reports progress in developing model documentation. The materials are therefore best understood as an ongoing modeling exercise, not a finished policy justification for materially changing insurer capital treatment. That distinction matters because the present record does not appear to include a formal comparative analysis explaining why the more punitive, tranche-thickness-based approach should be preferred over the simpler rating-only framework as a regulatory matter.

The Academy’s presentation states that modeled tail risk can largely be explained by remaining reinvestment horizon, rating, and tranche thickness, with tranche thickness needed only for Baa3-and-below CLO debt.[8] But the presentation also offers an alternative rating-only framework that explicitly prioritizes ease of implementation. Under Option 1, the modeled after-tax factor for Baa3 is 2.73%; under Option 2, the modeled factor for Baa3 rises to 12.52% when thickness is 4% or less. The Academy also reports that, after ratings and reinvestment-horizon interactions are added, the tranche-thickness flag increases adjusted R-squared from 81.6% to 83.2%.[9] Elsewhere, however, the presentation notes that thickness differences do not trend across ratings, provide only minor improvements to model fit, and generate noisy results for B1/below, leading the Academy to use a single average premium across all Baa3/below ratings to avoid overfitting.[10] The methodology is valuable and thoughtful, but on this record it does not yet amount to a formal empirical showing that insurers should move from the simpler rating-only framework to substantially higher capital charges for thin tranches.

That conclusion is reinforced by the structure of Proposal 2025-22-IRE MOD itself.[11] The proposal expressly states that it does not contemplate any changes to factors. Instead, it would create a more granular reporting structure that separates CLOs from other long-term bonds and carves out broadly syndicated loan CLO tranches with current thickness of 4% or less for separate reporting, while leaving factors to a separate proposal if changes are later deemed necessary.[12] That is an important distinction. A reporting change can be useful as a data-gathering and transparency exercise. But where the structural proposal is plainly a precursor to later factor choices, the NAIC should resist allowing the reporting architecture to harden prematurely into an implicit endorsement of the more complex and more punitive methodology before a separate, formal justification has been published and tested.

The timing of the current process further supports restraint. The Life RBC Working Group page states that structural RBC changes must be adopted by May 15 of the reporting year and non-structural changes, including factors and instructions, by June 30.[13] With the Academy materials open through April 16 and the modified structural proposal open through April 17, there is limited room for further empirical testing, public scrutiny, state-level review, and refinement before the current-cycle deadlines. Where the institutional stakes are high and the model still presents meaningful implementation choices, the better course is to keep the near-term rule simple.

For that reason, ICLE respectfully urges the NAIC to separate the questions of disclosure, structure, and calibration. In the near term, the NAIC should favor reporting improvements that generate comparable data and improve transparency. If factor changes are pursued later, the NAIC should strongly consider beginning with the Academy’s rating-only approach, which the presentation itself identifies as easier to implement, while using any new reporting on thin tranches to gather additional evidence before adopting a thickness-based surcharge. And if tranche thickness is eventually retained, the NAIC should be wary of a hard 4% breakpoint that creates cliff effects and incentives to structure around the rule. A more graduated approach would be preferable, but only after more validation than the current record appears to provide.

In practical terms, ICLE recommends five steps. First, the NAIC should keep Proposal 2025-22-IRE MOD clearly limited to reporting architecture unless and until a separate factor proposal is independently justified on a more mature record. Second, before any increase in CLO factors is proposed, the Academy and the Working Group should publish a formal analysis explaining why the rating-only framework is inadequate and why any tranche-thickness-based surcharge is sufficiently robust, administrable, and empirically justified to warrant adoption. Third, if new CLO factors are pursued, the NAIC should begin from the rating-only framework and require additional validation before adopting tranche-thickness-driven surcharges. Fourth, any eventual use of tranche thickness should avoid abrupt cliff effects around a single 4% threshold. Fifth, given the de facto national significance of NAIC materials under accreditation and dynamic incorporation, the NAIC should build in a meaningful review period for state regulators and legislatures before major methodological changes are allowed to function as the nationwide baseline. That final point is not an attack on the NAIC. It is a recognition that the more complex and policy-laden the rule, the stronger the case for accountable review.

The NAIC’s solvency mission is legitimate, and the effort to refine insurer treatment of CLOs is serious and worthwhile. But the combination of accreditation-backed influence, dynamic incorporation, and expanding NAIC-centered evaluative discretion means that complexity should be added only when it is plainly necessary and clearly supported. On the present record, the better path is constructive caution: separate reporting from calibration, prefer the simplest workable rule, and leave time for state-level review before contested modeling choices become de facto national investment policy.

[1] Nat’l Ass’n of Ins. Comm’rs, Risk-Based Capital Investment Risk and Evaluation (E) Working Group Summary, Spring 2026 Nat’l Meeting (Mar. 23, 2026), https://content.naic.org/sites/default/files/national_meeting/2026-spnm-summary-e-rbcirewg.pdf.

[2] Nat’l Ass’n of Ins. Comm’rs, Life Risk-Based Capital (E) Working Group, https://content.naic.org/committees/e/life-risk-based-capital-wg (last visited Apr. 13, 2026).

[3] Daniel Schwarcz, Is U.S. Insurance Regulation Unconstitutional?, 25 Conn. Ins. L.J. 189 (2018), https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/faculty_articles/866.

[4] Id. at 201-203.

[5] Id. at 259-262.

[6] Nat’l Ass’n of Ins. Comm’rs, SVO Discretion Issue Brief (Mar. 2026), https://content.naic.org/sites/default/files/svo-discretion-issue-brief.pdf.

[7] Id.

[8] Am. Acad. of Actuaries, C-1 Subcommittee Update on CLO C-1 Factors Modeling (Mar. 2, 2026), https://content.naic.org/sites/default/files/call_materials/life-pres-clo-2603.pdf.

[9] Id.

[10] Id.

[11] Nat’l Ass’n of Ins. Comm’rs, Proposal 2025-22-IRE: CLO Modified RBC Structure with Tranche Thickness (2026), https://content.naic.org/sites/default/files/inline-files/ATTN_E%20Proposal%202025-22-IRE%20CLO%20modified%20RBC%20structure%20with%20tranche%20thickness.pdf.

[12] Id.

[13] Nat’l Ass’n of Ins. Comm’rs, supra note 2.

Source: National Association of Insurance Commissioners

Regulatory Comments

ICLE Comments to the FTC on Unfair or Deceptive Rental Housing Fee Practices

I.         Introduction and Background The International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research center that applies economic analysis to legal and . . .

I.         Introduction and Background

The International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research center that applies economic analysis to legal and regulatory questions. These comments respond to the Commission’s Advance Notice of Proposed Rulemaking on rental housing fee practices (ANPRM), published March 13.[1] The ANPRM asks whether a Magnuson-Moss Act trade regulation rule under Section 18 of the FTC Act should govern fee practices across the rental housing lifecycle, from application through move-out.

The ANPRM rests primarily on two enforcement actions. In December 2025, Greystar agreed to a $24 million settlement over allegations that it excluded mandatory fees from advertised rents.[2] Invitation Homes was ordered to pay $48 million in consumer redress based on similar allegations involving smart-home and utility-management charges.[3] The ANPRM quotes Chairman Andrew Ferguson’s statement that “the Commission’s work on this case has revealed that the problem involving misleading pricing representations in America’s rental markets is not limited to Greystar” and directed staff to begin developing a rule.[4]

The ANPRM identifies a real consumer-protection concern. The conduct alleged in the Greystar and Invitation Homes matters—advertising rents that excluded mandatory charges disclosed only after tenants invested time, money, and prior lease commitments—fits within established Section 5 deception doctrine. The Commission addressed that conduct through case-by-case enforcement, obtaining behavioral consent orders and substantial monetary relief.

That record does not justify a sector-wide Magnuson-Moss rule. The practices at issue are already actionable under Section 5. The Commission can continue to address similar conduct through targeted enforcement, providing both ex ante and ex post deterrence while building a more robust evidentiary record. It can also issue clear business guidance on deceptive fee-advertising practices and coordinate with state attorneys general—as in the Colorado/Greystar action—to supplement monetary remedies where AMG Capital limits federal recovery. A nationwide rule covering every landlord is not a proportionate response to misconduct alleged at two companies and is not, at present, an efficient use of Commission resources.

Even if rulemaking were warranted, the Commission has not developed the record the Magnuson-Moss process requires. Section 57a(d) requires the Commission to establish the prevalence of the targeted practices, explain how they are unfair or deceptive, and assess the rule’s economic effects on small businesses and consumers. The current record—two enforcement actions and warning letters to software vendors—does not satisfy that standard across an industry that includes approximately 17 million landlords.[5]

The comments that follow address three points. First, Section II explains why existing Section 5 deception enforcement is sufficient to address the conduct identified in the ANPRM. Second, Section III explains why the current record does not meet Magnuson-Moss requirements. Third, Sections IV through VII identify key design considerations that would determine whether any rule improves or harms consumer welfare, including the distinction between drip pricing and itemization, the interaction with rent-stabilization laws, the disproportionate burden on small landlords, and the need for a rigorous economic analysis.

II.      Section 5 Deception Enforcement Is Sufficient

The conduct described in the ANPRM—advertising base rent while omitting mandatory charges disclosed only after prospective tenants pay application fees and commit to a unit—fits comfortably within established deception doctrine under Section 5 of the FTC Act.[6]

The FTC’s 1983 Policy Statement on Deception defines a deceptive practice as one involving a representation or omission likely to mislead a reasonable consumer in a material way.[7] Advertising a price that excludes charges every tenant must pay to occupy the unit is a material omission. A reasonable consumer would rely on the advertised price in deciding whether to incur the time and expense of applying for a unit. When that price understates the true cost of renting, the omission misleads consumers and distorts their decision-making. These practices also raise search costs and can weaken price competition in rental housing markets.

The Commission has already demonstrated that it can address this conduct through case-by-case enforcement. In Greystar and Invitation Homes, the FTC obtained orders requiring the companies to advertise total rent inclusive of mandatory fees, provide clear disclosures about fee amounts and purposes, and reform related practices.[8] Invitation Homes also agreed to stop unfair security-deposit deductions.[9] These orders impose ongoing behavioral obligations on the two largest operators in their respective segments and directly govern how they present prices to consumers. The Commission also secured substantial monetary redress in both matters.

These remedies align with the nature of the violation. Deceptive advertising warrants injunctive relief that requires truthful, nonmisleading price disclosures. The Commission did not need a sector-wide trade regulation rule to bring these cases, and it does not need one to address similar conduct by other operators. The existing enforcement record also provides clear signals to the market about the Commission’s interpretation of Section 5 and the consequences of noncompliance.

Against that backdrop, the case for rulemaking rests on two premises: that AMG Capital has created an enforcement gap by limiting monetary remedies, and that civil-penalty authority is necessary to deter similar conduct across the market. Neither premise holds. Section II.A explains why AMG Capital does not justify sector-wide rulemaking, and Section II.B shows that existing enforcement already provides meaningful deterrence.

A.      AMG Capital Does Not Justify Sector-Wide Rulemaking

The Commission cites AMG Capital in the ANPRM as limiting its remedial authority.[10] In AMG Cap. Mgmt., LLC v. FTC, the Supreme Court held that Section 13(b) of the FTC Act does not authorize courts to award equitable monetary relief, including consumer refunds, in enforcement actions brought under that provision. The Commission can no longer obtain large-scale monetary redress by attaching disgorgement claims to Section 13(b) injunctions.

The Court emphasized that the FTC may still obtain monetary relief under Section 19, subject to statutory limits. Congress authorized federal district courts to grant “such relief as the court finds necessary to redress injury to consumers,” including “the refund of money or return of property.” (15 U.S.C. § 57b(b)). Congress also limited that authority. As relevant here, the Commission may seek such relief only against parties who have engaged in unfair or deceptive acts or practices “with respect to which the Commission has issued a final cease and desist order which is applicable to such person.” (15 U.S.C. § 57b(a)(2)).[11]

In other words, the Court rejected efforts to obtain monetary relief in the first instance under Section 13(b) to bypass the administrative process required to issue a final cease-and-desist order.

The ANPRM also notes that Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act violations “may be subject to civil penalties of up to $[53,088] per violation pursuant to section 5(m)(1)(A) of the FTC Act, 15 U.S.C. 45(m)(1)(A), and may be required to pay refunds to consumers or provide other relief pursuant to section 19(a)(1), 15 U.S.C. 57b(a)(1).”[12]

While AMG Capital constrains the FTC’s enforcement authority, a sector-wide rule covering every landlord in the country is not a proportionate response. Three alternatives address the asserted enforcement gap more directly.

First, behavioral consent orders remain fully available. AMG Capital limits monetary relief but does not impair the Commission’s ability to seek injunctions requiring behavioral changes or to negotiate consent orders that restructure pricing practices. The Greystar and Invitation Homes settlements—both negotiated after AMG Capital—show that the Commission can obtain meaningful behavioral relief through case-by-case enforcement. In deceptive advertising cases, requiring truthful pricing practices is the primary remedy that protects future consumers. This case-by-case approach also aligns with the statutory pathway for monetary redress under Section 19, which depends on prior administrative orders.

Second, state attorney general co-enforcement can provide monetary relief. The Colorado attorney general co-filed the Greystar complaint and secured $1 million in costs and fees under state law authority unaffected by AMG Capital.[13] State UDAP statutes in most jurisdictions provide monetary remedies independent of federal constraints. Coordinated federal-state enforcement—like the Greystar action—offers a practical path to monetary redress without rulemaking. This approach combines federal and state resources and allows enforcers to pursue the full range of remedies available under both bodies of law.

Third, business guidance and consumer education can deter misconduct without rulemaking. The Commission can issue business advisories and guidance documents explaining which fee-related practices it considers deceptive or unfair under Section 5. Targeted guidance on rental housing fee disclosures—clarifying, e.g., that mandatory charges must appear in advertised rent, that fees cannot first appear after a nonrefundable application payment, or that misrepresenting the nature or refundability of charges violates Section 5—would put housing providers on clear notice of enforcement risk. The FTC’s December 2025 warning letters to 13 property management software vendors illustrate a more targeted version of this approach. Those letters identified specific practices of concern and signaled potential enforcement risk to both recipients and the broader industry.[14] Formal guidance would extend that notice nationwide and create a clear record against which future enforcement actions can be evaluated.

The Commission also has civil-penalty authority for Magnuson-Moss rule violations, currently up to $53,088 per violation, pending the next inflation adjustment.[15] But creating that authority through a sector-wide rule that applies to every landlord, based on alleged practices involving two companies under specific facts, is not a proportionate response to the current record. The Commission’s existing tools—targeted enforcement, coordinated state action, and clear guidance—can address the conduct identified in the ANPRM.

B.       Existing Enforcement Already Provides Deterrence

The Commission’s implicit deterrence argument rests on the premise that, without civil-penalty authority, other landlords face insufficient consequences for adopting the practices alleged in the Greystar and Invitation Homes matters.[16]

The enforcement record does not support that claim.

High-profile settlements with the two largest operators in their respective segments—the nation’s largest residential property manager and the nation’s largest single-family rental company—send a clear signal to professional housing providers that the Commission will pursue this conduct. Both actions received substantial coverage in real estate industry trade publications, amplifying their deterrent effect.

The Commission also extended that signal to the technology layer that can facilitate fee obfuscation through its warning letters to property-management software vendors. By targeting both market participants and the tools that enable the conduct, the FTC has already reached the relevant actors.

General deterrence operates through visible enforcement. That mechanism is already in place and does not require extending civil-penalty authority across the entire landlord population to be effective.

III.    The Record Does Not Meet Magnuson-Moss Requirements

If the Commission concludes that enforcement and guidance are insufficient—and that deceptive fee practices are prevalent enough to justify a sector-wide rule—it must first satisfy the statutory requirements imposed by the Magnuson-Moss process before issuing any NPRM.

Section 18(d) of the FTC Act requires that a final rule’s Statement of Basis and Purpose address three elements: (1) the prevalence of the acts or practices the rule targets, (2) the manner and context in which those practices are unfair or deceptive, and (3) the rule’s economic effects, including its impact on small businesses and consumers.[17] These are substantive requirements, not procedural formalities.

Judicial review of those requirements has become more exacting. In Loper Bright Enters. v. Raimondo, the Supreme Court eliminated automatic deference to agency interpretations of ambiguous statutory provisions.[18] Courts will apply independent scrutiny to whether the Commission has satisfied each element.

The current record does not meet that standard. The Commission relies on two enforcement settlements involving two operators that together represent a small share of the overall rental market. By contrast, the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2024 American Community Survey reports approximately 46 million renter-occupied units.[19] The rule would apply across a highly heterogeneous market that includes institutional REITs managing large portfolios and individual landlords renting a single property. The Commission has not established the prevalence of deceptive fee practices across that full population.

The ANPRM appropriately seeks to develop that record. But the Commission should acknowledge that the existing evidence cannot support an NPRM. It should commit to completing the required analysis before proceeding, including a rigorous assessment of economic effects on small landlords and a supply-side analysis of how a rule could affect housing availability.

IV.    Rule Design Should Target Drip Pricing, Not Itemization

These comments accept the Commission’s framing of the core harm: a landlord advertises a base rent that omits mandatory charges, discloses those charges only after the tenant has paid a nonrefundable application fee and committed to a unit, and thereby extracts payment the tenant would not have made with full information at the comparison-shopping stage. That conduct is a textbook deceptive practice under existing Section 5 authority.

The harder design question is how a rule should address price presentation—specifically, whether it should require landlords to aggregate all charges into a single “total rent” figure or permit disclosure through clearly labeled line items.

The ANPRM asks when “advertised rents start to itemize or unbundle each different type of mandatory fee or charge” and cites Howard Beales and Todd Zywicki’s observation that “unnecessarily unbundling prices into multiple parts might provide no consumer benefit and instead might be designed to confuse consumers into paying a higher price.”[20] This concern goes to price presentation—whether to show one number or multiple components—not to whether services are bundled or offered on an à la carte basis. The Commission should distinguish among three separate questions with different policy implications.

First, drip pricing is the core harm. Advertising a low base rent and revealing mandatory charges only after a tenant has invested time and money in a specific unit distorts comparison shopping. Xavier Gabaix and David Laibson show that even in competitive markets, firms have incentives to hide mandatory add-on prices when some consumers focus on headline prices.[21] A firm that advertises a lower headline price forces competitors to follow, regardless of full-information pricing. The Greystar and Invitation Homes cases fit this model.

Second, transparent upfront itemization is not deceptive. A landlord who advertises “$1,200 base rent + $150 administrative fee + $100 technology fee = $1,450 total monthly cost” provides complete and timely information. That practice is not drip pricing. Requiring landlords to collapse line items into a single undifferentiated figure would reduce information without improving transparency.

Third, service differentiation raises a distinct issue. When services such as parking, pet accommodations, or optional internet packages are genuinely optional, separate pricing allows tenants to pay only for what they use. A tenant without a car should not pay for parking embedded in rent. The relevant question is not whether charges are itemized, but whether they are mandatory. Mandatory charges should appear in the advertised total; optional services can remain separately listed without undermining transparency.

A rule that targets drip pricing is legally and economically sound. A rule that eliminates upfront itemization or treats all fee structures as presumptively deceptive would reduce the information available to consumers. The critical distinction is between when prices are disclosed and how they are presented. Any rule should focus on the timing of disclosure, not the number of line items.

V.      Key Design Considerations for Any Rule

The following subsections address key design choices any rule would need to resolve. ICLE offers these observations if, after completing the analysis required by Section 57a(d), the Commission determines that rulemaking is warranted.

These issues will determine whether a rule improves comparison shopping and transparency or instead creates unintended costs and distortions that harm renters. Section V.A addresses how a single “total rent” requirement can misstate costs and proposes a two-part disclosure framework. Section V.B examines how fee restrictions interact with rent-stabilization laws and affect housing supply. Section V.C evaluates the disproportionate compliance burden on small landlords. Section V.D considers the interaction between a federal rule and existing state law.

A.      A Single ‘Total Rent’ Figure Can Misstate Costs

The ANPRM’s clearest regulatory signal is a requirement that any advertised rental price include a “total rent” figure covering all mandatory fees and charges. The comparison-shopping objective is sound. The proposed instrument has a structural flaw.

A single “total rent” figure accurately reflects costs only if a tenant’s circumstances match the assumptions embedded in that number. Many charges do not apply universally. Parking fees apply only to tenants with vehicles. Pet fees apply only to tenants with animals. Charges under ratio utility billing systems vary with usage and cannot be calculated precisely at the time of advertising. Late fees apply only if a tenant misses a payment deadline.

Requiring all such charges to be included in a single figure will often overstate actual costs. For many fee categories, a majority of tenants will not incur the charge. A prospective tenant with a $1,500 monthly budget may disregard a unit advertised at $1,700 because the figure includes parking or pet fees she would never pay. The result is not greater transparency, but distorted comparison shopping.

Available evidence reinforces this concern. National Apartment Association research indicates that fee-transparency mandates often fail to account for the structure of housing costs and the rationale for specific charges.[22] The NAA’s tracking reveals the regulatory landscape already varies across 18 states and the District of Columbia, with requirements ranging from total-price advertising to disclosure of only specific fees.

Colorado’s approach illustrates a more tailored solution. HB 25-1090 requires disclosure of a “total price” that includes mandatory fees while excluding charges for optional services, such as parking or pet fees, when those services are not required for all tenants.[23] This distinction prevents inflated advertised prices that could deter prospective tenants from units they can afford.

A two-part disclosure framework better achieves the Commission’s goal. First, require a clearly labeled “Total Mandatory Monthly Charge”—base rent plus all fees every tenant must pay to occupy the unit, regardless of individual circumstances. This figure is comparable across units because it reflects unavoidable costs. Second, require a disclosed schedule of contingent charges, listing amounts and triggering conditions, available before any nonrefundable fee is paid.

This approach provides complete information at the comparison-shopping stage, eliminates drip pricing by requiring early disclosure of all mandatory charges, and avoids producing a single figure that misstates costs for typical tenants. The ANPRM’s questions on mandatory versus contingent fees (Questions 24 and 25) and on itemization (Question 64) support this design.

B.       Fee Restrictions May Reduce Supply in Rent-Stabilized Markets

The ANPRM does not address how federal fee regulation would interact with state and local rent-stabilization laws, commonly known as rent control. This omission is significant. It bears directly on whether a rule would help or harm the lowest-income renters it is intended to protect.

When regulations restrict or prohibit fee categories, landlords will seek to recover lost revenue. In markets without rent control, the most direct response is to increase base rent. In that setting, a rule primarily changes how housing costs are labeled—less in fees, more in rent—without necessarily reducing total costs. Any benefit to tenants depends on whether that relabeling improves budgeting and comparison shopping.

In rent-stabilized markets, landlords often cannot adjust base rent to offset lost fee revenue. Annual increases are typically capped by statute or ordinance. A landlord charging $1,700 per month with a 3% cap cannot raise rent by $100 to replace $100 in restricted fees without violating the law. The remaining adjustment options are limited: reduce service quality, defer maintenance, or exit the long-term rental market through conversion, sale, or redevelopment.

Rent regulation in the United States remains geographically concentrated but significant. More than 300 municipalities have adopted some form of rent control or stabilization.[24] Three states—Oregon, California, and Washington—have implemented statewide measures.[25] These policies tend to operate in high-cost markets where cost-burdened renters are most concentrated.

Rebecca Diamond, Tim McQuade, and Franklin Qian provide empirical evidence on how revenue constraints affect housing supply.[26] Studying San Francisco’s 1994 rent-control expansion, they find that affected landlords reduced rental supply by 15% relative to uncontrolled properties through condominium conversions, sales to owner-occupants, and redevelopment. The resulting supply contraction increased citywide rents by an estimated 5.1%, offsetting much of the policy’s intended benefit.

Rent control and fee restrictions are distinct legal tools, but both can bind landlord revenue. When they do, they create similar incentives. Supply responses—conversion, exit, and deferred maintenance—reflect the gap between operating income and costs, not the form of the constraint. A federal fee restriction that reduces net operating income in rent-stabilized markets would likely produce the same responses documented in the literature.

Older, rent-regulated housing stock is most exposed to these dynamics and disproportionately houses low-income renters. The Commission has not analyzed this risk. It should do so before proposing any rule.

C.      Compliance Costs Disproportionately Burden Small Landlords

The FTC’s enforcement record centers on the two largest operators in their respective segments. Both rely on sophisticated technology platforms, employ dedicated compliance teams, and operate at a scale that makes federal compliance costs manageable on a per-unit basis. The broader rental housing market looks very different.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Rental Housing Finance Survey, nearly two-thirds of rental properties are owned by individuals, and 45% of investors own only a single property.[27] Approximately 97% of rental buildings have four or fewer units. Only 21% of small rental properties are professionally managed, compared to 50% of properties with 50 or more units. Urban Institute researchers find that “very small” (1–2 units) and “small” (3–9 units) landlords are more likely than institutional operators to supply affordable housing, less likely to evict tenants, and more likely to serve tenants of color.[28]

A federal disclosure rule that requires real-time fee consistency across multiple listing platforms would impose fixed compliance costs that do not scale with portfolio size. Determining which fees qualify as “mandatory,” integrating with multiple platforms that use different technical standards, maintaining consistency as fees change, and tracking compliance with a federal rule that may diverge from state law all create fixed burdens—whether a landlord manages one unit or 1,000 units.

Large operators can spread these costs across a broad portfolio, producing a low per-unit burden. Small landlords cannot. A landlord renting two houses through a free listing service would face the same baseline compliance obligations, resulting in a per-unit cost that may exceed any plausible consumer benefit for those tenants.

The Commission’s December 2025 warning letters to 13 property-management software vendors suggest an effort to address compliance through platform design.[29] If major platforms incorporate standardized fee-disclosure fields, compliance could become a simple data-entry task rather than a technical integration problem. That approach has merit. But the same letters confirm that the current infrastructure does not yet support seamless, real-time aggregation of fee information. A rule that assumes otherwise would require landlords to rely on manual processes the Commission has already acknowledged are not yet automated.

Harvard University’s Joint Center for Housing Studies reports that the supply of units affordable to low-income households has been declining for decades due to demolition, conversion, and rent increases.[30] Imposing meaningful compliance costs on small-property owners—without corresponding accommodations—would accelerate that trend in the segment where small landlords are most prevalent.

The Commission should address these distributional effects before proceeding. Any proposed rule should include small-entity safe harbors at the NPRM stage, not as an afterthought during the subsequent comment period.

D.      A Federal Rule Risks Conflict with Existing State Law

Landlord-tenant law has long been an area of state authority. States and localities regulate security deposits, late fees, application fees, habitability standards, and lease disclosures. Since 2021, at least 14 states and the District of Columbia have enacted fee-transparency requirements.[31] Colorado’s HB 25-1090, Oregon’s disclosure statute, and Minnesota’s total-price requirement reflect jurisdiction-specific judgments about how to balance pricing flexibility and tenant protection.

The Commission recognized this landscape in 2024–2025 when it excluded long-term residential rentals from the Unfair or Deceptive Fees Rule. That decision relied in part on industry comments noting that existing state and local laws already govern rental fee advertising.[32] Those conditions have not changed. The ANPRM does not identify new evidence that would justify reversing course. The only developments it cites are two enforcement actions against large operators—conduct the Commission addressed through existing Section 5 authority.

A federal rule that defines “mandatory fee,” “total rent,” or “clear and conspicuous disclosure” differently from state law would create overlapping and potentially conflicting obligations. The ANPRM acknowledges that state laws could “intersect” with a federal rule.[33] In practice, that means landlords may face multiple regimes with different definitions, enforcement mechanisms, and litigation risks. A landlord in Colorado, for example, must already comply with HB 25-1090’s “total price” requirement. A federal rule with a different scope of included fees would impose a second, potentially inconsistent standard. The resulting compliance costs will be passed through in higher rents.

Before issuing any NPRM, the Commission should clarify how a federal rule would interact with state law. It should specify whether the rule would preempt conflicting requirements, establish a federal floor that states may exceed, or operate alongside divergent state standards. It should also assess the incremental compliance costs created by overlapping regulation.

VI.    A Rigorous Economic Analysis Is Required Before Rulemaking

Section 57a(d) of the FTC Act requires a final rule’s Statement of Basis and Purpose to assess the rule’s economic effects on small businesses and consumers. The ANPRM also cites Executive Orders 12866 and 14215, which require agencies—including independent agencies now subject to Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs review—to identify projected costs and benefits and select approaches whose benefits justify their costs.

These requirements are often satisfied through a Preliminary Regulatory Analysis issued alongside an NPRM. But conducting that analysis after committing to a regulatory approach is not equivalent to using it to inform the decision whether to regulate or how to design the rule. Where the central risk is that a rule could harm the same population it aims to protect—through supply contraction in the affordable housing segment—the analysis should guide the rule’s design, not ratify it.

A complete analysis should address five categories of effects.

Consumer benefits from improved transparency. The ANPRM cites data showing that more than 50% of renters are cost-burdened, meaning they spend at least 30% of income on rent.[34] Those conditions primarily reflect a supply-demand imbalance driven by zoning restrictions, permitting delays, and rising construction costs—not fee opacity. Improved disclosure can reduce search costs and prevent overpayment in some cases. Those benefits should be measured directly and not conflated with the broader affordability problem, which fee transparency alone cannot resolve.

Compliance costs by provider type. The analysis should distinguish between large institutional operators and small independent landlords. Compliance costs—legal review, platform integration, and ongoing monitoring—are largely fixed. They do not scale proportionally with portfolio size. Using average per-unit estimates will understate burdens on small landlords and overstate them for large operators.

Supply-side effects. If fee restrictions reduce net operating income—either directly or through interaction with rent-stabilization laws—some units will exit the long-term rental market. Diamond et al.’s findings on San Francisco’s rent-control expansion provide a relevant benchmark for how landlords respond to revenue constraints. Even a partial replication of those effects, concentrated in the affordable segment, could increase rents enough to offset fee-related savings.

Distributional effects. The relevant question is not the impact on the average renter, but on cost-burdened renters. As noted above, Harvard’s Joint Center for Housing Studies finds that the supply of low-rent units has declined for decades due to upgrading, demolition, and rent increases.[35] Any supply reduction tied to fee regulation will disproportionately affect that segment. A cost-benefit analysis that counts transparency gains for cost-burdened renters without accounting for supply losses affecting the same group will overstate net benefits.

Quality effects. Many fees fund specific services, including pest control, utility administration, package handling, and maintenance. Reducing fee revenue without offsetting adjustments will reduce service levels or shift costs elsewhere in the operating budget. The Commission should estimate the likely magnitude of these quality effects, drawing on evidence from the rent-control literature.

A rigorous analysis across these dimensions is necessary to determine whether a rule would improve consumer welfare or impose offsetting costs that undermine its stated objectives.

VII.   Design Principles to Minimize Rulemaking Risks

If the Commission determines, after completing the required analysis, that a trade regulation rule is warranted, five design principles would reduce the risks identified in these comments.

Define “mandatory fee” precisely. The rule should define a mandatory fee as one that every tenant must pay to occupy the unit, regardless of personal circumstances or choices. Fees tied to optional services—such as parking, pet accommodations, optional internet packages, or additional storage—should not qualify. Fees embedded in the property’s operating structure that apply to all tenants should qualify. A clear definition will create a workable compliance standard and preserve optional service offerings while ensuring that unavoidable charges appear in the advertised price.

Require a two-part disclosure. The Commission should require (1) clear and prominent disclosure of the Total Mandatory Monthly Charge—base rent plus all fees that meet the definition of mandatory—at the point of first advertisement, and (2) a disclosed schedule of optional or contingent charges, including amounts and triggering conditions, available before any nonrefundable fee is paid. This approach addresses drip pricing without forcing a single aggregated figure that overstates costs for many tenants.

Focus on timing, not just format. In both enforcement actions, the harm arose because mandatory fees were disclosed only after tenants paid application fees and committed to a unit. The rule should require disclosure of all mandatory fees before any nonrefundable payment or financial commitment. Timing of disclosure is at least as important as format.

Adopt platform-based compliance standards. Rather than requiring each landlord to maintain real-time consistency across listing platforms, the Commission should establish compliance standards for listing platforms and property-management software vendors. Assigning technical obligations to entities with existing infrastructure will reduce compliance burdens, particularly for small landlords.

Design small-entity safe harbors before the NPRM stage. Landlords with five or fewer units who provide good-faith disclosure using a standardized template—issued by the Commission or implemented through compliant platforms—should be deemed in compliance. This approach preserves consumer protection while limiting supply-side risks in the affordable segment. The Commission’s Question 70 asks about exemptions for small providers. The Commission should treat those exemptions as a prerequisite to any NPRM, not a detail to resolve afterward.

VIII.      Conclusion

The Commission’s actions against Greystar and Invitation Homes addressed documented consumer harm through the appropriate tool: targeted Section 5 deception enforcement. Those cases produced behavioral consent orders requiring truthful pricing practices, along with substantial monetary redress. That approach should continue. The Commission should issue clear business guidance on fee-advertising practices it considers deceptive, pursue additional enforcement actions where similar conduct arises, and coordinate with state attorneys general to expand monetary remedies where AMG Capital limits federal recovery.

A sector-wide Magnuson-Moss rule is not a proportionate response to misconduct documented at two companies. The Commission has not yet developed the record Section 57a(d) requires, including evidence of prevalence across the full landlord population and a rigorous analysis of economic effects on small businesses and consumers. That record should be established before the Commission commits to a regulatory approach, not developed after issuing an NPRM.

If the Commission ultimately determines that rulemaking is warranted, the rule should be narrowly tailored. It should define “mandatory fees” as charges every tenant must pay to occupy a unit, regardless of personal circumstances. It should adopt a two-part disclosure framework that presents mandatory baseline charges prominently at first advertisement and provides a clear itemization of optional and contingent charges before any nonrefundable fee is collected, rather than relying on a single aggregated “total rent” figure. It should include a cost-benefit analysis that addresses supply-side effects, distributional impacts on cost-burdened renters, and interactions with rent-stabilization laws before issuing any NPRM. It should incorporate small-entity safe harbors calibrated to actual compliance costs as a precondition for proceeding. And it should clarify how federal requirements would interact with existing state fee-transparency laws, including whether they would preempt, supplement, or coexist with them.

The Commission can protect renters from deceptive fee practices through targeted enforcement of existing authority. A sector-wide rule would impose compliance costs on millions of landlords, with the greatest burden falling on small-property owners who supply affordable housing. Those costs risk harming the very renters the Commission seeks to protect.

[1] Rule on Unfair or Deceptive Rental Housing Fee Practices, 91 Fed. Reg. 12,325 (Mar. 13, 2026) (advance notice of proposed rulemaking) [hereinafter ANPRM], https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2026-03-13/pdf/2026-04907.pdf.

[2] Press Release, Fed. Trade Comm’n, Greystar Agrees to Pay $24 Million and Stop Deceptive Advertising Practices as a Result of FTC and Colorado Lawsuit Alleging the Firm Deceived Consumers About Rent Prices (Dec. 2, 2025), https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2025/12/greystar-agrees-pay-24-million-stop-deceptive-advertising-practices-result-ftc-colorado-lawsuit; see also Press Release, Fed. Trade Comm’n, FTC and Colorado Take Action Against Greystar, Nation’s Largest Multifamily Rental Property Manager, for Deceiving Consumers About Rent Prices (Jan. 16, 2025), https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2025/01/ftc-state-colorado-take-action-against-greystar-nations-largest-multi-family-rental-property-manager (alleging fees including “valet trash,” package handling, utilities, utility-billing, “verification” fees for non-Greystar renters’ insurance, and media/smart home packages).

[3] Press Release, Fed. Trade Comm’n, FTC Takes Action Against Invitation Homes for Deceiving Renters, Charging Junk Fees, Withholding Security Deposits, and Employing Unfair Eviction Practices (Sept. 24, 2024), https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2024/09/ftc-takes-action-against-invitation-homes-deceiving-renters-charging-junk-fees-withholding-security.

[4] ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,328 (citing Andrew N. Ferguson, Fed. Trade Comm’n, Concurring Statement of Chairman Andrew N. Ferguson: FTC v. Greystar Real Estate Partners (Dec. 2, 2025), https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/2025.12.02-greystar-chairman-ferguson-statement.pdf).

[5] The Commission claims it conducted “research” on the issues raised in the ANPRM but cites only a joint FTC–CFPB request for information on tenant screening. See ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,327 n.19 (citing Joint FTC–CFPB Tenant Screening Request for Information, Docket ID FTC–2023–0024, https://www.regulations.gov/docket/FTC-2023-0024). The agencies report receiving more than 600 comments, but cite no formal study, report, or systematic data analysis.

[6] 15 U.S.C. § 45(a).

[7] Fed. Trade Comm’n, FTC Policy Statement on Deception, appended to Cliffdale Assocs., Inc., 103 F.T.C. 110, 174 (Oct. 14, 1983), https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/documents/public_statements/410531/831014deceptionstmt.pdf.

[8] Proposed Stipulated Order, FTC v. Greystar Real Estate Partners, LLC, No. 1:25-cv-00165-CNS (D. Colo. Jan. 23, 2025), https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/Greystar-Order_0.pdf [hereinafter Greystar].

[9] Stipulated Order, FTC v. Invitation Homes Inc., No. 1:24-cv-04280-SEG (N.D. Ga. Sept. 27, 2024), https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/ftc_gov/pdf/2023170invitationhomesorderenteredbycourt.pdf.

[10] AMG Cap. Mgmt., LLC v. FTC, 141 S. Ct. 1341, 1352 (2021).

[11] Id. at 1346.

[12] ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,327.

[13] Greystar, supra note 8.

[14] Press Release, Fed. Trade Comm’n, FTC Sends Warning Letters to 13 Property Management Software Providers Nationwide (Dec. 9, 2025), https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2025/12/ftc-sends-warning-letters-13-property-management-software-providers-nationwide [hereinafter FTC Warning Letters].

[15] Press Release, Fed. Trade Comm’n, FTC Publishes Inflation-Adjusted Civil Penalty Amounts for 2025 (Feb. 11, 2025), https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2025/02/ftc-publishes-inflation-adjusted-civil-penalty-amounts-2025. Civil penalties apply to certain rule violations under Sections 5(m) and 19.

[16] ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,327 (“The Commission believes a rule addressing unfair or deceptive rental housing fee practices could help reduce the level of unlawful activity in this area, serving as a deterrent against these practices because such a rule would allow for civil penalties to be sought against violators.”).

[17] 15 U.S.C. § 57a(d).

[18] Loper Bright Enters. v. Raimondo, 603 U.S. 369 (2024).

[19] U.S. Census Bureau, 2024 American Community Survey, Table DP04, cited in ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,326 n.8.

[20] ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,327 (Question 7a); Howard Beales & Todd J. Zywicki, Junkyard Dogs: The Law and Economics of “Junk” Fees, CPI Antitrust Chron. (Apr. 2023), at 3, George Mason L. & Econ. Rsch. Paper No. 23-10, cited in ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,326 nn.6, 13.

[21] Xavier Gabaix & David Laibson, Shrouded Attributes, Consumer Myopia, and Information Suppression in Competitive Markets, 121 Q.J. Econ. 505 (2006).

[22] Emily Howard, Fee Transparency Mandates by the Numbers, Nat’l Apartment Ass’n (Dec. 9, 2025), https://naahq.org/news/fee-transparency-mandates-numbers.

[23] H.B. 25-1090, 75th Gen. Assemb., 1st Reg. Sess. (Colo. 2025), https://leg.colorado.gov/bill_files/40562/download.

[24] Nat’l Apartment Ass’n, Rent Control: Policy Issue, https://naahq.org/advocacy/policy/issues/rent-control (last visited Mar. 27, 2026).

[25] Dominic Butchko, Washington Joins California and Oregon in Enacting Statewide Rent Control, Conduit St. (May 12, 2025), https://conduitstreet.mdcounties.org/2025/05/12/washington-joins-california-and-oregon-in-enacting-statewide-rent-control.

[26] Rebecca Diamond, Tim McQuade & Franklin Qian, The Effects of Rent Control Expansion on Tenants, Landlords, and Inequality: Evidence from San Francisco, 109 Am. Econ. Rev. 3365 (2019).

[27] U.S. Census Bureau & U.S. Dep’t of Hous. & Urb. Dev., 2024 Rental Housing Finance Survey: Ownership and Management, https://www.census.gov/data-tools/demo/rhfs/#/?TABLE_CODE=2 (last visited Mar. 27, 2026).

[28] Fay Walker & Owen Noble, Ensuring Safe and Affordable Housing Stock Starts with Understanding Who Owns Rental Units, Urban Inst.: Urban Wire (Sept. 6, 2022), https://www.urban.org/urban-wire/ensuring-safe-and-affordable-housing-stock-starts-understanding-who-owns-rental-units.

[29] FTC Warning Letters, supra note 14.

[30] Joint Ctr. for Hous. Stud. of Harvard Univ., America’s Rental Housing 2024 (2024), https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/reports/files/Harvard_JCHS_Americas_Rental_Housing_2024.pdf.

[31] See ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,328 nn.24–25 (collecting state statutes).

[32] See Jay Harris, FTC Launches Anticipated Rulemaking on Rental Housing Fee Practices, Hudson Cook (Mar. 13, 2026), https://www.hudsoncook.com/article/ftc-launches-anticipated-rulemaking-on-rental-housing-fee-practices.

[33] ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,335 (Question 71).

[34] ANPRM, supra note 1, at 12,326 n.2.

[35] Joint Ctr. for Hous. Stud. of Harvard Univ., supra note 30.

Source: Federal Trade Commission

Regulatory Comments

ICLE Comments on California SB 1074

On behalf of the International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE), a nonprofit, nonpartisan research group focused on rigorous economic analysis of law and policy, we write to express concerns...

On behalf of the International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE), a nonprofit, nonpartisan research group focused on rigorous economic analysis of law and policy, we write to express concerns about SB 1074.

SB 1074 rests on a fundamental analytic error: it conflates harm to specific competitors with harm to consumers and the competitive process. The bill adopts a regulatory approach that risks privileging less efficient firms through rent-seeking—using regulation to secure advantages unavailable through market performance—rather than promoting consumer welfare.

Protecting Competition, Not Competitors

Antitrust law protects competition and consumers—not individual competitors. SB 1074 would prohibit certain platform operators from engaging in “self-preferencing,” a broad category that includes many forms of vertical integration that may advantage a firm’s own products or services.

Supporters of the bill argue that such restrictions will help startups and small businesses compete.[1] The economic literature does not support that claim.

When platforms integrate features—such as displaying maps in search results or highlighting fulfillment options—they may displace standalone competitors. This dynamic resembles a retailer allocating shelf space to its own private-label goods. Some rivals lose prominence as a result.

That outcome reflects competition, not necessarily exclusionary conduct.[2] Integrated features often reduce search costs, lower transaction risks, and improve user experience. Removing these features may benefit certain competitors, but only by eliminating options consumers prefer.

The Evidence on Vertical Integration

SB 1074 rests on the premise that self-preferencing and vertical integration are inherently anticompetitive. The empirical literature does not support that premise.

A comprehensive meta-analysis by Francine Lafontaine and Margaret Slade finds that profit-maximizing vertical-integration decisions are generally efficient and benefit consumers.[3] More broadly, economic analysis distinguishes between exclusionary conduct—which requires durable market power, meaningful foreclosure, and evidence of consumer harm—and legitimate business practices that improve products.

Common forms of vertical integration eliminate double marginalization, strengthen quality control, reduce search costs, and enhance ecosystem security.[4] The literature consistently emphasizes that the competitive effects of self-preferencing depend on context:

“self-preferencing by dual-role platforms is not necessarily detrimental…, [and t]he effectiveness of policy interventions… depends largely on the type of self-preferencing and the specific environment of the market in question.”[5]

“While none of the studies has documented harmful effects on platform users, there is mixed evidence on whether platform‐owner entry is harmful for complementors.”[6]

“there does not seem to be a single prescription that policymakers can follow in regulating platform‐owner entry.”[7]

Empirical studies of digital platforms reinforce these findings. Zhuoxin Li and Ashish Agarwal find that Facebook’s integration of Instagram increased demand across photography applications.[8] Jens Foerderer, Thomas Kude, Sunil Mithas, and Armin Heinzl find that Google’s entry into Android photography apps increased user attention, benefiting independent developers.[9]

Evidence from e-commerce points in the same direction. In a field experiment, Chiara Farronato, Andrey Fradkin, and Alexander MacKay simulate the removal of Amazon private-label products.[10] Consumer surplus falls by 5.5%, driven largely by reduced product variety. Efforts to adjust rankings or visibility produce no offsetting gains.

Theoretical work aligns with these results. Yusuke Zennyo finds that restrictions on platform integration can discourage marketplace expansion, increase commissions, and raise prices for both consumers and third-party sellers.[11]

Taken together, this evidence does not support a categorical presumption against self-preferencing. It instead underscores the need for context-specific analysis.

A Presumption Against Integration Risks Overenforcement

SB 1074 adopts a blanket presumption that covered conduct is unlawful unless a platform can prove otherwise. It requires firms to show that challenged conduct is “narrowly tailored, nonpretextual, and reasonably necessary” to achieve a procompetitive objective.

This burden-shifting framework increases the risk of overenforcement. Even conduct that enhances welfare may be deterred if firms face uncertain and costly litigation. The presumption of illegality also creates incentives for opportunistic claims by competitors.

The result is not just legal uncertainty, but predictable changes in firm behavior.

Incentives to Reduce Product Quality and Innovation

Faced with elevated litigation risk, firms will adjust their conduct. Platforms are likely to avoid integrating features, scale back quality-assurance mechanisms, and limit closed-ecosystem security controls to reduce exposure.

Over time, curated and reliable systems may give way to more open—but less managed—environments. Yet consumers often prefer platforms that reduce the risks of interacting with unknown third parties.

By discouraging integration and product improvement, SB 1074 risks degrading service quality and reducing consumer welfare.

Arbitrary Thresholds and Departure from Neutral Principles

SB 1074 applies only to firms that meet specific thresholds, including $1 trillion in market capitalization and 100 million U.S. monthly active users. These criteria target a small number of firms without grounding in neutral legal principles.

This approach subjects identical conduct to different legal standards based solely on firm size and invites strategic behavior.

The California Law Revision Commission reached a different conclusion after a multi-year review. It found that exclusionary conduct can arise in any industry and advised that any reform should apply across sectors.[12] It also declined to recommend abuse-of-dominance provisions, citing concerns about vague and arbitrary thresholds.[13]

SB 1074 departs from that guidance and adopts the type of industry-specific approach the Commission rejected.

Data-Portability Mandates and Risks to Privacy and Security

SB 1074 would require expanded data portability and limit platforms’ ability to restrict third-party access. Although framed as promoting competition, these provisions introduce significant tradeoffs.

Data-sharing and interoperability mandates increase technical complexity, require costly redesign, and create new security vulnerabilities.[14] In multi-sided platform environments, firms design systems to balance functionality, trust, and safety. Forced data sharing can disrupt those systems.

These requirements may push platforms toward more open architectures. But curated ecosystems often exist to screen participants, prevent abuse, and enforce quality standards. Mandated access can weaken those safeguards by requiring interaction with third parties whose reliability cannot be assured.

These risks are not theoretical. The Cambridge Analytica incident arose from broad third-party access to platform data—an arrangement similar to what these provisions would require.[15]

More broadly, these rules reflect a regulatory mismatch. Policies designed for simpler markets do not map cleanly onto complex digital ecosystems, where data, security, and product design are tightly integrated.

By requiring platforms to expose internal systems and data, SB 1074 risks reducing product quality, increasing security vulnerabilities, and weakening consumer trust.

[1] Press Release, Sen. Scott Wiener, Senator Wiener Announces Landmark Legislation to Crack Down on Big Tech’s Anticompetitive Behavior (Mar. 18, 2026), https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/senator-wiener-announces-landmark-legislation-crack-down-big-techs-anticompetitive-behavior.

[2] See The Case for Self-Preferencing, Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ. (last updated Apr. 25, 2024), https://laweconcenter.org/spotlights/self-preferencing.

[3] Francine Lafontaine & Margaret Slade, Vertical Integration and Firm Boundaries: The Evidence, 45 J. Econ. Literature 629 (2007) (“[O]verall a fairly clear empirical picture emerges. The data appear to be telling us that efficiency considerations overwhelm anticompetitive motives in most contexts. Furthermore, even when we limit attention to natural monopolies or tight oligopolies, the evidence of anticompetitive harm is not strong.”); see also Geoffrey A. Manne, Kristian Stout & Eric Fruits, The Fatal Economic Flaws of the Contemporary Campaign Against Vertical Integration, 68 Kan. L. Rev. 923 (2020).

[4] See, e.g., Michael Salinger, Self-Preferencing, in The Global Antitrust Institute Report on the Digital Economy 329, 333 (Joshua D. Wright & Douglas H. Ginsburg eds., 2020), https://gaidigitalreport.com/2020/08/25/self-preferencing; Geoffrey A. Manne, Against the Vertical Discrimination Presumption, Concurrences, No. 2 (May 2020).

[5] Yuta Kittaka, Susumu Sato & Yusuke Zennyo, Self-Preferencing by Platforms: A Literature Review, 66 Japan & the World Econ. 101191, 8 (2023).

[6] Feng Zhu, Friends or Foes? Examining Platform Owners’ Entry into Complementors’ Spaces, 28 J. Econ. & Mgmt. Strat. 23, 27 (2019).

[7] Id.

[8] Zhuoxin Li & Ashish Agarwal, Platform Integration and Demand Spillovers in Complementary Markets: Evidence from Facebook’s Integration of Instagram, 63 Mgmt. Sci. 3438 (2017).

[9] Jens Foerderer, Thomas Kude, Sunil Mithas & Armin Heinzl, Does Platform Owner’s Entry Crowd Out Innovation? Evidence from Google Photos, 29 Info. Sys. Res. 444 (2018).

[10] Chiara Farronato, Andrey Fradkin & Alexander MacKay, Vertical Integration and Consumer Choice: Evidence from a Field Experiment (Working Paper, Mar. 2026), https://alexandermackay.org/files/Vertical%20Integration%20and%20Consumer%20Choice%20-%20Evidence%20from%20a%20Field%20Experiment.pdf.

[11] Yusuke Zennyo, Platform Encroachment and Own-Content Bias, 70 J. Indus. Econ. 684, 705 (2022).

[12] Cal. L. Revision Comm’n, Antitrust Law: Single Firm Conduct, Tentative Recommendation No. B-750 (Dec. 2025), https://clrc.ca.gov/pub/Misc-Report/TR-B750.pdf (“The Commission concluded that exclusionary practices by dominant companies in every industry have the capacity to harm competition, so any new law should not single out individual sectors but apply to all.”).

[13] Id. (“The Commission received numerous public comments opposing adoption of an abuse-of-dominance provision in California law. The Commission declined to craft separate rules for dominant firms, citing concerns about vague and potentially arbitrary thresholds for substantial market power, the use of differing conduct standards, and prior unsuccessful efforts in the United States to adopt this approach.”).

[14] See, e.g., Mikołaj Barczentewicz, GDPR Reform: What Should It Achieve, EU Tech Reg (Apr. 1, 2025), https://eutechreg.com/p/gdpr-reform-what-should-it-achieve (noting that the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in Europe and various state privacy laws in the United States create obligations that may conflict with mandated data-sharing or access requirements).

[15] See, e.g., Kristian Stout & Ben Sperry, Comments of the International Center for Law & Economics re: Proposed Rule 15 CSR 60-19.020 Prohibition on Restricting Choice of Content Moderator, Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ. (July 14, 2025), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/ICLE-MO-Moderator-Choice-Rule.pdf (noting that Missouri’s proposed rule would “create systematic privacy and security vulnerabilities by mandating an architecture functionally identical to systems that enabled major data breaches, including Cambridge Analytica. The requirement for broad API access to third-party moderators multiplies attack surfaces, ignores the ‘other people’s data’ problem—where individual user choices expose nonconsenting network connections to unknown third parties—and fragments responsibility for protecting vulnerable populations across an ecosystem of unvetted entities”).

Source: California Senate Standing Committee on Judiciary

Regulatory Comments

ICLE Comments to the FCC on Satellite Market Access Reciprocity

I. Introduction and Overview The International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) submits these comments in response to the Federal Communications Commission’s (FCC) public notice on satellite market-access reciprocity (“Public...

I. Introduction and Overview

The International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) submits these comments in response to the Federal Communications Commission’s (FCC) public notice on satellite market-access reciprocity (“Public Notice”).[1] ICLE is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research center that applies law & economics methodologies to public policy. Its work aims to ensure that competition policy and regulation rest on sound economic analysis and promote consumer welfare, particularly in dynamic, technology-driven markets such as media and telecommunications.

This submission evaluates current market-access frameworks governing the entry of non-U.S.-licensed space stations into the U.S. market, as well as recent foreign regulatory developments that depart from the American—and historically global—approach. Those departures risk disadvantaging U.S. operators. The existing U.S. framework promotes competition, lowering costs and expanding service offerings for American consumers. It also attracts global capital and technological innovation, which are essential to closing the digital divide by extending high-speed broadband to rural and underserved areas where terrestrial deployment remains cost prohibitive. In addition, this open-market approach has supported reciprocal treatment for U.S. operators abroad, enabling the global expansion of American aerospace leadership and reinforcing U.S. participation in the international telecommunications ecosystem.

Recent shifts in reciprocity—particularly under the EU Space Act—threaten both global competitiveness and consumer access to broadband services. As ICLE has previously argued to the World Trade Organization and the European Union, the EU Space Act operates as a nontariff barrier under WTO principles.[2] In both design and effect, it targets large U.S. constellation operators by imposing compliance burdens that are not proportionate to demonstrated safety or sustainability benefits. Key features—including the size-based “giga-constellation” threshold, dual-track registration process, and extraterritorial inspection provisions—create discriminatory market-access barriers. These measures risk reducing economic welfare in both the United States and the European Union, slowing innovation, and shifting market share toward geopolitical competitors whose strategic interests may diverge from transatlantic priorities. The EU Space Act reflects a broader trend toward increased restrictions on U.S. satellite operators, raising the prospect of emerging space-sector protectionism.

As the FCC evaluates its presumption that granting market access to satellites offering WTO-covered services through member jurisdictions serves the public interest, it should closely examine the discriminatory effects of the EU Space Act and similar foreign measures. The United States should continue to prioritize open access, but the benefits of that policy depend in part on reciprocal treatment abroad. If reciprocity erodes, the value of maintaining unilateral openness correspondingly declines.

II. The U.S. Open-Access Framework: Evolution, Benefits, and Limits of Reciprocity

For nearly three decades, the United States has maintained an open-market framework for satellite services grounded in the WTO Basic Telecommunications Agreement (BTA) and implemented through the FCC’s 1997 DISCO II Order and subsequent rulemakings.[3] Under this framework, foreign-licensed satellite systems may serve the U.S. market with minimal regulatory friction, provided their home jurisdiction is a WTO member. The FCC’s approach rested on the premise that WTO commitments established a sufficient baseline of competitive conditions.[4]

The global landscape in 2026 differs markedly from that of 1997. The rapid expansion of non-geostationary orbit (NGSO) constellations, the rise of technological sovereignty policies—particularly in the European Union—and the persistence of nontariff barriers in major markets such as India and Brazil have weakened the effectiveness of a reciprocity-based open-access model.[5]

Before 1997, foreign satellite entry into the U.S. market was significantly more burdensome. Beginning in 1995, applicants were subject to an “effective competitive opportunities” test, which evaluated whether their home markets imposed de jure barriers, de facto restrictions, or competitive distortions that disadvantaged U.S. firms or conferred advantages on foreign providers.[6] This framework placed the burden on applicants to demonstrate that their domestic markets were sufficiently open.

The shift to open access has delivered substantial consumer benefits. Lower entry barriers for firms such as SES, Eutelsat, and Telesat have increased choice, encouraged product differentiation, and intensified price competition. These dynamics have improved both the quality and affordability of broadband services. Satellite connectivity has played a critical role in narrowing the digital divide by extending service to rural and underserved areas where terrestrial infrastructure remains impractical.[7]

Satellite services also support specialized and high-demand use cases. Eutelsat’s OneWeb constellation provides backhaul capacity that enables broadband providers to serve areas where fiber deployment is infeasible. SES delivers high-speed connectivity to the cruise industry, where vessels function as mobile cities with thousands of connected devices.[8] Without satellite infrastructure, these services would be significantly degraded, limiting connectivity in otherwise inaccessible environments. As more international operators deploy low-Earth-orbit (LEO) constellations, these benefits will continue to expand.

In addition, satellite systems provide resilient communications infrastructure during natural disasters.[9] When hurricanes, earthquakes, or wildfires disable terrestrial networks, satellite systems often remain operational. An open-access policy ensures that the United States can leverage the full range of available satellite capacity during emergencies while supporting international disaster-response efforts.

Open access also drives innovation, with spillover effects in adjacent markets. This is particularly evident in emerging direct-to-device services. T-Mobile’s partnership with Starlink enables satellite connectivity for standard LTE and 5G smartphones, expanding coverage without requiring new hardware.[10] As terrestrial providers explore similar offerings, they may turn to international satellite operators that offer lower-cost or higher-quality solutions. Increased competition in this space will reduce prices, improve service quality, and accelerate technological development across both satellite and terrestrial networks.

The central benefit of the BTA framework, however, is the reciprocity it creates. By granting market access to foreign operators on reciprocal terms, the United States enables firms such as SpaceX, Amazon, and Globalstar to expand internationally. Access to larger global markets allows firms to spread high fixed costs across a broader customer base, reducing per-user prices and supporting continued investment in deployment and research. Maintaining global leadership is particularly important as LEO technologies advance. U.S. firms currently account for approximately 78% of the commercial space economy,[11] while North America holds roughly 57.5% of the global satellite-internet market.[12]

Reciprocity also provides leverage. If a foreign jurisdiction restricts access for U.S. operators, the United States can respond by revisiting that country’s access to the U.S. market—the world’s most valuable satellite market. This dynamic reinforces incentives for openness and deters protectionist policies.

Finally, the U.S. approach exports regulatory standards. Foreign operators seeking access to the U.S. market must comply with FCC requirements governing orbital-debris mitigation, interference protection, and operational safety.[13] Once firms design systems to meet these standards, they often apply them globally. In this way, U.S. policy shapes international norms and promotes safe, reliable space operations.

III. The Erosion of Reciprocity in Global Satellite Markets

Despite the benefits of an open-access model, many jurisdictions have shifted toward space-sector protectionism, imposing barriers on U.S. firms while favoring domestic operators. The EU Space Act represents the most prominent example, but other countries—including Canada, Brazil, Japan, India, and China—also maintain restrictions that limit market access. These measures vary in design but collectively undermine reciprocity and reduce competitive entry.

A. The EU Space Act Undermines Reciprocity and Competition

While barriers to entry persist globally, the proposed EU Space Act presents a direct challenge to reciprocity. Its structure both targets U.S. operators and imposes discriminatory burdens that operate as a nontariff barrier.

1. The EU Space Act discriminates against U.S. operators

The EU Space Act introduces a “giga-constellation” category defined as satellite systems with more than 1,000 operational satellites.[14] This threshold does not reflect any evidence-based assessment of orbital risk or debris mitigation. Instead, it appears calibrated to capture large U.S. operators while Orbital risk depends on factors such as operating altitude, satellite design, and debris-mitigation practices—not simply the number of satellites in a constellation. By relying on size alone, the Act uses an arbitrary proxy that functions as a protectionist constraint on American firms.

The practical effect is clear. The EU’s IRIS² constellation is expected to include roughly 264 satellites, well below the threshold.[15] By contrast, U.S. operators dominate the “giga-constellation” category. SpaceX’s Starlink operates more than 10,000 satellites,[16] and Amazon’s planned low-Earth-orbit (LEO) system will include more than 3,000,[17] even if only a portion are currently active.[18] The threshold therefore captures U.S. firms almost exclusively.

For these systems, the Act imposes prescriptive, hard-coded requirements. Operators must, for example, carry additional propellant for maneuvering and end-of-life disposal. Yet fuel requirements depend on altitude, mass, and system design—not fleet size.[19] The rule thus imposes costs untethered to actual safety considerations.

The Act also creates procedural barriers that further disadvantage non-EU operators. It establishes a dual-track registration process. EU-based firms apply through member-state authorities under harmonized national procedures.[20] Non-EU operators must first undergo review by a Compliance Board within the European Union Agency for the Space Programme (EUSPA), followed by a final decision from the European Commission.[21]

This structure is not neutral. EUSPA is expected to oversee EU satellite programs that will compete directly with U.S. operators.[22] The Act therefore places a market participant in a gatekeeping role over its competitors.[23] This arrangement creates delays, increases administrative burdens, and introduces a clear risk of discriminatory outcomes.

The Act further authorizes extraterritorial inspection requirements as a condition of market access.[24] The European Commission may request inspections of non-EU operators’ facilities located outside the Union. These provisions can conflict directly with U.S. export-control laws, including the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR), which restrict access to sensitive technical data and controlled facilities.[25] Even if nominally voluntary, these inspection powers create coercive pressure. Denial of inspection access could serve as a basis for withholding authorization, effectively forcing firms to choose between violating U.S. law, and exiting the EU market. In practice, this operates as a poison-pill condition that may render compliance impossible.

Finally, the Act defers key technical requirements to future Implementing Acts (IAs).[26] Critical obligations—including debris-mitigation standards, reflectivity limits, and operational protocols—remain undefined and may not be finalized until shortly before implementation. This approach deprives non-EU operators of regulatory certainty and allows for the selective imposition of burdens aligned with evolving EU industrial-policy objectives rather than neutral safety concerns.

2. The EU Space Act functions as a nontariff barrier

The EU Space Act operates as a nontariff barrier that raises costs, distorts resource allocation, and reduces consumer choice. Compliance burdens imposed on non-EU operators will likely translate into higher prices, delayed deployment, or reduced service availability. These effects reduce output and leave mutually beneficial transactions unrealized.

By deterring or excluding large foreign providers, the Act limits the range of services available to EU consumers and governments. It weakens competition on price, quality, and coverage. At the same time, it shields less-efficient EU operators from competitive pressure, allowing capital, talent, and spectrum to remain in lower-value uses. These distortions mirror the well-documented inefficiencies associated with protectionist regulatory regimes.

The dynamic effects are likely to be more significant. Satellite markets are innovation-driven and capital-intensive. Regulatory design directly shapes investment incentives. By deferring key requirements to IAs that may not be issued until 2028 or 2029, the Act introduces substantial regulatory uncertainty into multi-year investment decisions.

Firms undertake satellite deployment based on expected returns. As regulatory risk increases, expected returns decline. Under standard real-options theory, firms will delay or scale back irreversible investments until regulatory obligations become clear.[27] This slows the deployment of new capacity and delays technological advancement.

The Act also departs from established global norms on debris mitigation and operational safety. Rather than reinforcing convergence on best practices, it risks creating a parallel regulatory regime. This fragmentation reduces interoperability, increases compliance costs, and limits the diffusion of innovation across jurisdictions.

B. Other Jurisdictions Impose Barriers to Market Entry

The EU Space Act has drawn significant attention due to its impact on a major market. Other WTO jurisdictions also impose barriers that restrict U.S. firms’ ability to enter and compete, including coordination requirements, ownership limits, and discretionary approval processes. While these measures vary in form, they produce similar effects: delayed entry, higher costs, and reduced competitive pressure.

1. Canada

Canada generally adheres to WTO BTA commitments but imposes several requirements that constrain foreign operators. Most notably, Innovation, Science and Economic Development Canada (ISED) requires new entrants to coordinate with existing Canadian systems before commencing operations.[28] While framed as a measure to prevent harmful interference, this requirement gives incumbents effective veto power. Existing operators can refuse to coordinate or adopt technical positions that delay deployment.

ISED policy RP-008 also requires satellite networks operating in the Canadian arc to provide specified coverage for Canadian territory. Operators must reserve up to 50% of capacity for Canadian users for at least six months after license issuance.[29] This obligation limits the ability of global operators to allocate capacity efficiently across markets. For non-geostationary systems, ISED further requires that primary control facilities and network operations centers be located in Canada, along with a 24/7 domestic point of contact.[30]

2. Brazil

Brazil imposes both structural and procedural constraints on foreign operators. Only Brazilian-owned entities may hold exclusive rights to operate satellites from specific orbital positions. Foreign operators are limited to non-exclusive landing rights granted for fixed terms.[31]

Brazil also requires pre-entry coordination with incumbent operators to mitigate interference.[32] Although ANATEL mandates good-faith negotiation, the burden falls on the entrant to reach agreement.[33] This creates opportunities for delay or obstruction by incumbents.

Additional requirements increase costs for foreign firms. Landing fees for foreign operators tend to exceed those applied to domestic providers. Operators must also conduct all regulatory interactions in Portuguese and retain a local legal representative. These frictions compound entry costs.

Recent policy developments further weaken reciprocity. A 2025 Brazilian law authorizes the executive branch to impose countermeasures, including restrictions on services, investment, and intellectual-property obligations.[34] This authority introduces additional uncertainty for foreign firms and signals a shift away from open-market commitments.

3. Japan

Japan similarly requires pre-coordination with incumbent operators. Under Article 6 of the Radio Act, applicants must demonstrate that they have reached agreements to prevent harmful interference with existing systems.[35] This includes coordination with both satellite and terrestrial licensees.

Because the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC) may withhold licenses until such agreements are secured, incumbents effectively hold a de facto veto over entry. This requirement can delay or block new competition, particularly where negotiations become protracted.

4. India

India has taken steps toward liberalization through the Indian Space Policy 2023 and recent foreign-direct-investment (FDI) reforms.[36] Nonetheless, several restrictions remain.

While reforms permit up to 100% foreign investment in the space sector, automatic approval is limited. Investments in satellite manufacturing and operations qualify for automatic approval only up to 74%, while investments in launch vehicles and spaceports are capped at 49%.[37] Investments exceeding these thresholds require government approval, introducing additional uncertainty and delay.

5. China

China remains the most restrictive major jurisdiction for foreign satellite operators. Market access is not governed by reciprocal WTO-style commitments but instead requires case-by-case approval.

China’s “Negative List” mandates majority Chinese ownership for “basic telecommunications services,” a category that includes certain satellite-based communications.[38] Foreign ownership of “value-added” services is generally capped at 50%, although limited pilot programs in select Free Trade Zones allow higher foreign participation.[39] These programs remain experimental and subject to extensive regulatory oversight.

Recent regulations further restrict access. The 2025 “Regulations on the Administration of Direct Satellite Services for Terminal Devices” require that all satellite services used within China rely on systems authorized by the government.[40] This framework effectively prevents Chinese consumers from accessing foreign constellations such as Starlink and reinforces the country’s broader policy of technological self-reliance.

IV. Preserving Open Access While Addressing Eroding Reciprocity

The FCC should continue to prioritize an open-access framework. That framework, however, depends on reciprocal market access for U.S. firms. As discussed above, multiple jurisdictions have moved away from a presumption of entry or imposed conditions that disadvantage American operators. These shifts threaten the core benefits of the current approach.

Open access enables U.S. firms to expand internationally and export American regulatory standards. This dynamic strengthens U.S. leadership on key issues such as interference management and orbital-debris mitigation. It also reinforces the role of U.S. policy in shaping global best practices. When other jurisdictions fail to reciprocate, these benefits erode.

Adopting a reciprocal-opportunities test would come with significant costs. It would reintroduce barriers to entry, reduce competition, and ultimately harm American consumers. At the same time, some form of conditionality may be necessary to preserve leverage in international negotiations. The FCC should therefore consider targeted, carefully calibrated responses that encourage reciprocity without abandoning the advantages of an open-access regime.

V. Conclusion

The FCC’s longstanding presumption of open access for foreign satellite operators has delivered substantial benefits. It has promoted competition, lowered costs, and expanded service offerings for American consumers. It has also helped establish U.S. leadership in the global space economy, where much of the world’s innovation and deployment now occurs. By maintaining an open-access framework, the FCC has encouraged reciprocal market access abroad and facilitated the global adoption of U.S. regulatory standards, particularly in areas such as interference management and orbital-debris mitigation.

These benefits, however, depend on reciprocity. As discussed above, several jurisdictions have moved away from open-access principles. The EU Space Act represents the most significant example, imposing targeted and discriminatory burdens on U.S. operators that function as a nontariff barrier. Other WTO members likewise maintain barriers—including pre-coordination requirements, ownership restrictions, and discretionary approval processes—that delay or deter entry by American firms. These measures reduce competition, increase costs, and limit the efficient allocation of resources in global satellite markets.

The erosion of reciprocity weakens the foundation of the current framework. Open access enables U.S. firms to scale globally, spread high fixed costs, and reinvest in innovation. It also allows the United States to shape international norms and ensure safe, reliable space operations. When foreign jurisdictions restrict access, these advantages diminish, and the risk of space-sector protectionism increases.

The FCC should continue to prioritize open access and competition by minimizing barriers to deployment, regardless of a firm’s nationality. At the same time, it should recognize that open access is not self-sustaining in the absence of reciprocal treatment. To preserve the benefits of the current system, the FCC should consider targeted and proportionate measures that reinforce incentives for reciprocity, while avoiding the consumer harms associated with broad restrictions on entry.

[1] Space Bureau & Office of International Affairs Seek Comment on Satellite Market Access Reciprocity, Public Notice, GN Docket No. 26-48 (Mar. 2, 2026), https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/DA-26-208A1.pdf (“Public Notice”).

[2] Comments of the Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ., Dep’t of Com. & Dep’t of State Consultation on the EU Space Act (Aug. 13, 2025), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/08/EU-Space-Act-Comments.pdf; see also Comments of the Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ., Proposal for Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the Safety, Resilience and Sustainability of Space Activities in the Union, COM(2025) 335 (Nov. 7, 2025), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/EU-Space-Act-Comments-to-EC.pdf.

[3] Amendment of the Commission’s Regulatory Policies to Allow Non-U.S. Licensed Satellites Providing Domestic and International Service in the United States, Report and Order, IB Docket No. 96-111, 12 FCC Rcd 24,094 (1997), https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-99-325A1.pdf (“DISCO II Order”); Amendment of the Commission’s Regulatory Policies to Allow Non-U.S. Licensed Space Stations to Provide Domestic and International Satellite Service in the United States, Order, IB Docket No. 96-111, 15 FCC Rcd 7,207 (1999), https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-99-325A1.pdf (“DISCO II First Reconsideration Order”).

[4] See DISCO II Order & DISCO II First Reconsideration Order, supra note 3.

[5] Public Notice, supra note 1, at 2–4.

[6] Reform of Rules and Policies on Foreign Carrier Entry into the U.S. Telecommunications Market, Report and Order, IB Docket No. 12-299 ¶ 2 (Apr. 22, 2014), https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-14-48A1.pdf.

[7] Cellular Backhaul via Satellite, Eutelsat (last visited Mar. 23, 2026), https://www.eutelsat.com/satellite-network/oneweb-leo-constellation.

[8] The Connected Cruise, SES Networks Solution Brief (Feb. 2020), https://www.ses.com/sites/default/files/2020-02/Maritime_Solution_Brief_The-Connected-Cruise.pdf.

[9] How Satellites Play a Role in Disaster Relief, Viasat (Aug. 31, 2023), https://www.viasat.com/perspectives/corporate/2023/how-satellites-play-a-role-in-disaster-relief.

[10] Monica Alleven, Here’s the Skinny on T-Mobile’s Latest Satellite-Powered Offer, Fierce Network (Nov. 5, 2025), https://www.fierce-network.com/wireless/heres-skinny-t-mobiles-latest-t-satellite-offer.

[11] Space Foundation, The Space Report 2025 Q2 Highlights Record $613 Billion Global Space Economy for 2024, Driven by Strong Commercial Sector Growth, Press Release (July 22, 2025), https://www.spacefoundation.org/2025/07/22/the-space-report-2025-q2.

[12] Satellite Internet Market Size, Share & Industry Analysis, Fortune Bus. Insights (last visited Mar. 30, 2026), https://www.fortunebusinessinsights.com/satellite-internet-market-109242.

[13] A level playing field requires the FCC to treat all systems alike. The agency has not always done so. If the FCC aims to make U.S. standards the global norm, it should continue its space-modernization efforts to ensure parity among operators. See Space Modernization for the 21st Century, Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, SB Docket No. 25-306 (Oct. 28, 2025), https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-25-69A1.pdf.

[14] Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the Safety, Resilience and Sustainability of Space Activities in the Union, 2025/0335 (COD) (June 25, 2025), art. 5 (“EU Space Act”).

[15] Jean-Pierre Diris, IRIS2: Everything You Need to Know About This New European Constellation, Polytechnique Insights (Mar. 11, 2025), https://www.polytechnique-insights.com/en/columns/industry/iris2-everything-you-need-to-know-about-this-neweuropean-constellation.

[16] Tereza Pultarova, Starlink Satellites: Facts, Tracking and Impact on Astronomy, Space.com (Aug. 1, 2025), https://www.space.com/spacex-starlink-satellites.html; Jonathan O’Callaghan, SpaceX Now Has More Than 10,000 Starlink Satellites in Orbit, Scientific American (Mar. 17, 2026), https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/spacex-reaches-milestone-of-10-000-starlink-satellites-in-orbit.

[17] Clara Easterday, Amazon Sets April 9 Launch Date for First Operational Kuiper Satellites, Broadband Breakfast (Apr. 3, 2025), https://broadbandbreakfast.com/amazon-sets-april-9-launch-date-for-first-operational-kuiper-satellites.

[18] Kuiper, SatelliteMap.space (last visited Mar. 30, 2026), https://satellitemap.space/constellation/kuiper.

[19] Comments of the Info. Tech. & Innovation Found., Stakeholder Feedback on the EU Space Act, Off. of Space Com. at 2 (Aug. 4, 2025), https://www2.itif.org/2025-comments-eu-space-act.pdf.

[20] EU Space Act, supra note 14, arts. 6, 7, & 9.

[21] Id. at art. 17.

[22] See IRIS²: The New EU Secure Satellite Constellation, Eur. Comm’n Def. Indus. & Space (last visited Aug. 12, 2025), https://defenceindustry-space.ec.europa.eu/eu-space/iris2-secure-connectivity_en.

[23] For an analogous regulatory structure and its attendant problems, see, e.g., Julian Morris, Central Banks and Real-Time Payments: Lessons from Brazil’s Pix, Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ. (2022), https://laweconcenter.org/resources/central-banks-and-realtime-payments-lessons-from-brazils-pix (explaining that Brazil’s state-owned real-time payment system both competes with and regulates private firms, creating conflicts of interest).

[24] EU Space Act, supra note 14, arts. 48(4) & 52.

[25] See, e.g., 22 C.F.R. pts. 120(10), 121 cat. IV(h)(3), 124.1, 127.1.

[26] EU Space Act, supra note 14, ch. IV(5).

[27] Scott R. Baker, Nicholas Bloom & Steven J. Davis, Measuring Economic Policy Uncertainty (Nat’l Bureau of Econ. Rsch., Working Paper No. 21633, Oct. 2015), https://www.policyuncertainty.com/media/BakerBloomDavis.pdf (finding that policy uncertainty increases stock-price volatility and reduces investment and employment in policy-sensitive sectors).

[28] Policy Framework for Fixed Satellite Service (FSS) and Broadcasting Satellite Service, RP-008 ¶ 3.2.4 (June 2017), https://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2023/isde-ised/iu64/Iu64-138-2017-eng.pdf.

[29] Innovation, Sci. & Econ. Dev. Can., RP-008, Policy Framework for Fixed-Satellite Service (FSS) and Broadcasting-Satellite Service (BSS) § 3.2.3 (June 2017) (Can.), https://ised-isde.canada.ca/site/spectrum-management-telecommunications/en/spectrum-allocation/policies/radio-systems-policies-rp/rp-008-policy-framework-fixed-satellite-service-fss-and-broadcasting-satellite-service-bss.

[30] Id.

[31] Satellite Exploitation—Recent Developments, Azevedo Sette Advogados (Mar. 2022), https://www.azevedosette.com.br/news/en/satellite-exploitation-recent-developments/6540.

[32] Process for Granting Satellite Landing Rights, Agência Nacional de Telecomunicações (Anatel), https://www.gov.br/anatel/pt-br/regulado/satellite/process-for-granting-satellite-landing-rights.

[33] Tarcísio Aurélio Bakaus, Brazilian Regulations: Use of Orbit and Space Sustainability, Anatel (May 2025), https://www.unoosa.org/documents/pdf/copuos/lsc/2025/Technical_Presentations/Wednesday7May/4_-_Brazil_1-20250425-64LSC-UNOOSA-Brazils-Law-_no_UNOOSA_logo.pdf.

[34] Brazilian Economic Reciprocity Law Is Published to Safeguard Brazilian Interests Against Unilateral Measures Adopted by Other Countries or Economic Blocs, Baker McKenzie (Apr. 22, 2025), https://sanctionsnews.bakermckenzie.com/brazilian-economic-reciprocity-law-is-published-to-safeguard-brazilian-interests-against-unilateral-measures-adopted-by-other-countries-or-economic-blocs; see also Lei No. 15.122, de 11 de abril de 2025, Diário Oficial da União [D.O.U.] de 14.04.2025 (Braz.), https://www.in.gov.br/en/web/dou/-/lei-n-15.122-de-11-de-abril-de-2025-623734149.

[35] Denpaho [Radio Act], Law No. 131 of 1950, art. 6, § 1(ix) (Japan), https://www.tele.soumu.go.jp/e/adm/proc/manual/index.htm.

[36] Foreign Direct Investment in Space Sector, KPMG (Mar. 2024), https://assets.kpmg.com/content/dam/kpmgsites/in/pdf/2024/03/foreign-direct-investment-in-indian-space-sector.pdf.

[37] Press Info. Bureau, Gov’t of India, Cabinet Approves Amendment in the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Policy on Space Sector, Release ID No. 2007865 (Feb. 21, 2024), https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2007865.

[38] Special Administrative Measures (Negative List) for Foreign Investment Access (2024 Edition) (promulgated by the Nat’l Dev. & Reform Comm’n & Ministry of Com., Sept. 8, 2024, effective Nov. 1, 2024), art. 6, § 11 (China).

[39] China Launches Pilot Program Allowing 100% Foreign Ownership in Telecom and Data Centers, BRICS+ New Economy & Legal Infrastructure Center (Oct. 30, 2024), https://neweconomy.expert/news/255901.

[40] China Calls for Realtime Censorship of Broadband, The Register (Sept. 30, 2024), https://www.theregister.com/2024/09/30/china_satellite_censorship; see also Guanyu Weixing Zhilian Zhongduan Dianxin Yewu Guanli de Zhanxing Guiding (关于卫星直连终端电信业务管理的暂行规定) [Interim Provisions on the Administration of Satellite Direct-to-Device Telecommunications Services] (promulgated by the Ministry of Indus. & Info. Tech., Sept. 14, 2024) (China).

Source: Federal Communications Commission

Regulatory Comments

ICLE Comments to UK ‘Refining Our Competition Regime’ Consultation

Executive Summary The International Center for Law & Economics (‘ICLE’) respectfully submits these comments in response to the Department for Business and Trade’s consultation on Refining Our Competition Regime.[1] ICLE...

Executive Summary

The International Center for Law & Economics (‘ICLE’) respectfully submits these comments in response to the Department for Business and Trade’s consultation on Refining Our Competition Regime.[1] ICLE is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research centre that promotes rigorous economic analysis in public-policy debates.

ICLE welcomes the Government’s commitment to economic growth and its recognition that pace, predictability, proportionality, and process—the CMA’s ‘4Ps’ framework[2]—are essential to maintaining the United Kingdom as an attractive jurisdiction for investment and innovation. Several proposals in the consultation reflect sound, evidence-based policymaking. Others, particularly the most far-reaching structural reforms, risk undermining those same objectives.

A central concern is that the consultation adopts, and in some cases generalises, institutional features drawn from the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act 2024 (DMCC Act). That regime is recent, narrowly targeted, and largely untested in practice. Extending its most intrusive features across the full scope of competition and consumer enforcement risks importing uncertainty into areas where predictability is critical. Reform should proceed incrementally, not by transplanting a sector-specific regulatory model to the wider economy.

Measured against the Government’s own ‘4Ps’ framework, the Strategic Steer’s emphasis on independence and proportionality,[3] and established law & economics principles—including the error-cost framework and the consumer-welfare standard—ICLE’s principal concerns and recommendations are as follows:

  • The proposed abolition of the CMA’s independent panel for Phase 2 merger and market investigations should not proceed without the simultaneous introduction of merits-based appellate review at the Competition Appeal Tribunal. The panel provides a quasi-judicial ‘fresh pair of eyes’ and underpins the current judicial-review standard. Removing it without compensating safeguards would concentrate investigative, prosecutorial, and adjudicative authority within a single institution, increasing the risk of confirmation bias and weakening procedural fairness.
  • Extending algorithmic investigation powers from the DMCC Act’s Strategic Market Status regime to general competition enforcement would be internationally unprecedented and disproportionate to demonstrated need. It would subject firms across the economy to quasi-regulatory oversight designed for a narrow, ex ante framework, raise serious trade-secret and confidentiality risks, and impose burdens that may deter innovation and investment.
  • The statutory codification of sunset clauses for market remedies is welcome and should be strengthened. A risk-based review cadence, clearer petition mechanisms with defined evidentiary standards and binding response timelines, and consistent transparency requirements would ensure that remedies remain proportionate as markets evolve.
  • Expanding concurrency by allowing sector regulators to oversee CMA-imposed remedies would risk duplicative oversight, fragmented accountability, and higher compliance costs. The CMA should remain the single lead authority for remedy oversight, with sector regulators contributing expertise through a consultative model.
  • More broadly, reforms should preserve clear institutional boundaries and accountability. Concentrating decision-making authority, expanding investigatory reach, and fragmenting oversight across multiple regulators would collectively reduce predictability and increase enforcement error.
  • All reforms should be guided by the error-cost framework. Because false positives in competition enforcement are generally more costly and less self-correcting than false negatives—particularly in innovation-intensive markets—expanding CMA powers requires stronger evidentiary standards, more robust appellate review, and effective sunset mechanisms.

In sum, the Government’s ambition to create a ‘best-in-class’ competition regime calls for a selective and disciplined approach. Targeted procedural improvements should be prioritised. Reforms that expand powers without commensurate safeguards risk increasing uncertainty, deterring investment, and undermining the pro-growth objectives at the centre of the Government’s agenda.

I. Political Reorientation of UK Competition Policy

The consultation follows an 18-month period of unusually direct political intervention in UK competition policy. The Labour government, elected in July 2024, made economic growth its ‘number one mission’.[4] Prime Minister Keir Starmer compared UK regulation to ‘Japanese knotweed’, while Chancellor Rachel Reeves told regulators in January 2025 that ‘every regulator, no matter what sector, has a part to play by tearing down the regulatory barriers that hold back growth’.[5]

The CMA quickly became the focal point of this dissatisfaction. Its April 2023 decision to block the $68.7 billion Microsoft/Activision Blizzard merger—later reversed after restructuring—came to symbolise a regime seen as prioritising jurisdictional reach over growth and investment confidence. On 21 January 2025, Business Secretary Jonathan Reynolds removed CMA Chair Marcus Bokkerink. In his farewell remarks, Bokkerink warned that ‘investors put a price on the risk of political intervention, unpredictability and inconsistency’.[6] Reynolds replaced him with Doug Gurr, former head of Amazon UK, and made clear that the Government expected regulators to ‘supercharg[e] the economy’.[7]

The Strategic Steer to the CMA, published 15 May 2025, places economic growth at the centre of the authority’s mandate. It directs the CMA to prioritise pro-growth, pro-investment interventions, focus on harms with a ‘clear and direct UK impact’, support eight Industrial Strategy growth sectors, and consider whether other jurisdictions could address UK concerns through parallel enforcement.[8] The CMA operationalised this shift through its ‘4Ps’ framework—Pace, Predictability, Proportionality, and Process—introduced in late 2024 and formalised in February 2025.[9]

Institutional changes followed quickly. By March 2025, the CMA had issued a Mergers Charter, launched a merger-remedies review, and adopted new Phase 1 performance targets, including a 40-working-day pre-notification period and 25-working-day clearance for straightforward cases.[10] In October 2025, the Government reinforced this direction by introducing a stronger statutory growth duty and a public accountability dashboard.[11] The CMA conducted no Phase 2 merger investigations in the year preceding the consultation—a striking indication of the behavioural shift already underway.

Against this backdrop, a central concern in these comments is that several of the consultation’s most consequential proposals draw heavily on the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act 2024 (DMCC Act). The DMCC’s digital-markets regime remains largely untested. It has operated for barely a year and applies to only a small number of cases. Extending this framework across the CMA’s broader competition and consumer functions risks importing uncertainty into areas where predictability remains essential.

That risk sits uneasily with the Strategic Steer itself, which instructs the CMA to apply the DMCC regime ‘flexibly, proportionately and collaboratively’. Expanding its most intrusive features before they have been tested in their original context is unlikely to advance those objectives. It instead risks compounding the very concerns about proportionality and predictability that the steer seeks to address.

The Government’s consultation recognises that the reforms aim to improve ‘the pace, predictability, proportionality, and process of engagement through refinements to the legislative framework for competition’.[12] Several proposals move in the opposite direction. In particular, the single-phase market review tool, the expansion of algorithmic investigation powers, and the removal of the independent panel without adequate safeguards would reduce predictability and weaken proportionality. These changes would undercut, rather than support, the Government’s stated objectives.

II. Abolition of the Panel System and Its Implication

The Government’s proposal to abolish the panel-led Inquiry Group system and replace it with Board-appointed sub-committees marks the most consequential structural reform in the consultation. It is also unlikely to advance the Government’s stated objectives.

The panel system has deep institutional roots. It traces back to the Monopolies and Restrictive Practices Commission established under the Monopolies and Restrictive Practices (Inquiries and Control) Act 1948. The CMA retained this model to ensure independent, quasi-judicial decision-making in complex competition cases. Inquiry Groups, drawn from a panel of approximately 30 members appointed by the Secretary of State, bring ‘fresh eyes’ to each case.[13] They operate under a chair appointed by the CMA Chair with Board consent, and they function as an independent decision-making body within the CMA’s broader institutional framework.

The proposal would dismantle this structure. Decisions currently reserved to Inquiry Groups would shift to the CMA Board, to new Board-level committees (including a Merger Board Committee and a Markets Board Committee), or to sub-committees appointed by those bodies.[14] The Board could also delegate certain decisions to case teams, subject to internal governance procedures.[15]

The Government justifies this shift on grounds of accountability, predictability, and consistency. The CMA Board answers to Parliament, while panel members do not. At present, the Chair, CEO, and Board remain accountable for outcomes in which they cannot participate directly. The Government argues that a Board-led model would resolve this perceived mismatch and produce more consistent decision-making.[16]

That argument is unconvincing. The current framework does not create a meaningful accountability gap.[17] The Board already plays a central role in Phase 2 processes. It initiates and oversees market studies, makes market investigation references, and issues advisory steers that Inquiry Groups must consider. The Board therefore shapes the direction and scope of investigations, even if it does not take final decisions. That division is deliberate. It preserves a structural separation between oversight and adjudication.

This separation reflects a conscious legislative choice, not an institutional flaw. Parliament designed the system to insulate case-specific decisions from a Board that is itself subject to government direction. The accountability at issue is systemic, not case-specific. Parliament holds the Board accountable for the CMA’s overall performance, not for the merits of individual decisions.

The Government’s argument also overlooks a key feature of the current system: Panel members are appointed by the Secretary of State.[18] The accountability chain therefore remains intact. It runs directly through the minister responsible for those appointments, who is accountable to Parliament for both the selection and oversight of panel members. The Secretary of State may remove members for incapacity, misbehaviour, or failure to perform their duties. This is the standard constitutional mechanism for ensuring democratic accountability in arm’s-length bodies, while preserving independence in individual decisions. The proposal fails to recognise that distinction.

Abolishing the independent panel without adequate safeguards raises three further concerns. First, consolidating investigative, prosecutorial, and adjudicative functions within a single institutional structure heightens the risk of confirmation bias. Second, the consultation does not address the applicable standard of appeal, despite the fact that the panel’s quasi-judicial character underpins the current deferential judicial-review standard. Third, if the Government proceeds with consolidation, it must adopt minimum structural safeguards. These should include, at a minimum, a shift to merits-based appellate review to preserve the legitimacy and predictability of the regime.

A. Concentration of Decision-Making and Confirmation Bias

The central concern is that abolishing the panel without compensating safeguards would concentrate unprecedented decision-making power in the CMA executive. The reform would strip the CMA of its defining structural feature and align it more closely with models such as the European Commission or the U.S. Federal Trade Commission. The result could be an authority that acts, in effect, as ‘judge, jury and executioner’.[19]

This consolidation heightens the risk that early analytical assumptions shape final outcomes. As commentators have observed, the proposed structure ‘risks entrenching early analytical assumptions, as a smaller group of senior officials may carry forward initial positions into final decisions’.[20] It also creates ‘a risk of CMA decision-making being more susceptible to Government pressure’ and ‘more prone to lobbying efforts and, in the long run, less predictable’.[21]

The problem is structural. When a single institution initiates an investigation, formulates a theory of harm, gathers evidence, and then adjudicates, the risk of confirmation bias increases sharply. The panel system mitigates that risk by introducing a genuinely independent, de novo layer of review. Inquiry Groups reassess both facts and theory with ‘fresh eyes’, providing a check on institutional tunnel vision.

Removing that safeguard would weaken the integrity of Phase 2 investigations. Without an independent decision-maker, Phase 2 risks becoming a procedural validation of Phase 1 conclusions, rather than a genuinely independent assessment.

B. The Standard of Appeal and Loss of Safeguards

The consultation is notably silent on the applicable standard of appeal. That omission is significant. The judicial-review standard under section 120 of the Enterprise Act rests, in part, on the quasi-judicial character of the independent panel.[22] Removing the panel removes that justification. The Government should not eliminate the structural safeguard that supports a deferential appellate standard while leaving that standard unchanged.

The Court of Appeal’s judgment in Cérélia/Jus-Rol underscores the limits of the current framework. The Competition Appeal Tribunal (CAT) must apply judicial review, even as a specialist tribunal. It may exercise a ‘high degree of scrutiny’ over CMA factual findings,[23] but it cannot substitute its own judgment on the merits. Its role remains confined to assessing rationality.

Comparative practice highlights the gap this creates. In the European Union, the General Court reviews Commission decisions for manifest errors of assessment and exercises unlimited jurisdiction over fines. The Court of Justice confirmed in CK Telecoms that the Commission must satisfy a ‘more likely than not’ standard of proof.[24] In the United States, the Department of Justice litigates before federal courts that apply de novo review. The Federal Trade Commission conducts administrative proceedings subject to ‘substantial evidence’ review. The Supreme Court’s decision in Loper Bright—overturning Chevron deference—has further strengthened judicial scrutiny of agency action.[25]

International guidance points in the same direction. The OECD’s 2021 Recommendation on Transparency and Procedural Fairness calls for access to an impartial, independent adjudicative body, with review that encompasses facts, evidence, and the grounds of decisions.[26]

A regime that concentrates investigative, prosecutorial, and adjudicative functions within a single institution, while limiting appeals to judicial review, would fall below the standard maintained in comparable jurisdictions.

C. Minimum Safeguards and the Need for Merits-Based Review

If the Government proceeds with replacing the panel system, it should adopt a minimum set of structural safeguards. These should include transparent, objective criteria for appointing members to any expert pool, combined with sufficient security of tenure to insulate them from executive pressure. Cooling-off periods should prevent recent CMA staff from joining the pool. A public conflicts register, with clear recusal triggers, should be mandatory. Crucially, a two-stage separation principle must preserve genuine independence between the Phase 1 case team and the Phase 2 decision-making body, with no overlap in personnel.

These measures address form, not substance. The more fundamental requirement is to reform the CAT’s appellate mandate. A shift from judicial review to a comprehensive merits-based standard is essential. Without it, the proposed institutional changes would lack an adequate external check.

Consolidating decision-making authority within a single body increases, rather than reduces, the need for independent review. Where internal safeguards weaken, external scrutiny must strengthen. A reform that concentrates adjudicative authority without enhancing appellate oversight remains incomplete.

III. Sunset Clauses and Time-Limited Remedies

The consultation proposes placing the CMA’s existing sunset-clause policy on a statutory footing. It would require the CMA to consider sunset clauses in all market remedies and mandate review at least once every 10 years.[27] Where the CMA declines to include a sunset clause, it must publish its reasoning.[28] This approach aligns with the Government’s pro-growth agenda. It limits legacy compliance burdens and helps ensure that remedies do not persist after market conditions change.

The economic rationale for time-limiting remedies is straightforward. Remedies impose costs: compliance costs for firms, monitoring costs for agencies, and constraints on pro-competitive, pro-consumer conduct. These costs are justified only while the underlying risk to competition persists.[29] Once that risk dissipates, the costs become deadweight losses, borne by firms and passed on to consumers through higher prices or reduced innovation. Evidence from the regulatory-burden literature suggests that compliance costs often behave as fixed overhead, rather than variable expenses. They therefore fall disproportionately on smaller firms and can create barriers to entry.[30]  Sunset clauses address this problem by reversing the burden of justification. Rather than requiring firms to petition for removal, they require the authority to demonstrate that continued intervention remains necessary.

International practice supports this approach. In the United States, the Federal Trade Commission adopted a formal sunset policy in 1995, establishing automatic 20-year termination for administrative orders.[31] Department of Justice merger consent decrees have incorporated 10-year sunset provisions as standard practice since 1979, and recent FTC merger orders follow similar timelines.[32] In the European Union, behavioural commitments under Article 9 of Regulation 1/2003 are typically limited to five to 10 years.[33] The OECD and the ICN Merger Remedies Guide likewise endorse time-limiting as standard practice.[34]

Domestic experience points in the same direction. The CMA’s strategic review of market remedies reflects a growing recognition that existing measures often outlast their usefulness.[35] The Restriction on Agreements and Conduct (Tour Operators) Order 1987 and the Foreign Package Holidays (Tour Operators and Travel Agents) Order 2001 illustrate the problem. Both targeted a market dominated by high-street travel agents and imposed obligations relating to in-store price display, resale price maintenance, and tied sales of travel insurance.[36] The shift to online booking rendered many of these requirements obsolete. Firms nevertheless continued to incur compliance costs for decades, including nearly 40 years under the 1987 Order.

The Payment Protection Insurance (PPI) Market Investigation Order 2011 provides a further example.[37] The Order imposed a detailed compliance regime, including bans on point-of-sale PPI, mandatory annual customer reminders, claims-ratio disclosures, compliance officer requirements, and monitoring obligations such as mystery shopping and reporting. These measures responded to a market characterised by widespread mis-selling and substantial consumer harm. That market has since disappeared. The Financial Conduct Authority set an August 2019 deadline for PPI complaints, by which point more than £38 billion in redress had been paid.[38] The FCA has confirmed that PPI is no longer sold alongside credit products and has proposed removing PPI-specific rules on the basis that they no longer serve a regulatory purpose.[39] Despite this, the CMA’s 2011 Order remains formally in force. Its compliance framework continues to apply, at least nominally, to a market that has materially evolved. This illustrates how remedies can persist in the absence of mechanisms that compel periodic reassessment.

The proposal would address part of this problem, but further refinements would improve its effectiveness. First, a risk-based review cadence would be preferable to a uniform 10-year default. In fast-moving digital and technology markets, competitive conditions can change far more quickly. A shorter review cycle—such as five years, consistent with the UK’s SMS regime—would better reflect those dynamics. Differentiated defaults, with shorter periods for fast-cycle markets and longer ones for more stable sectors, would improve calibration.

Second, the Government should establish clear petition mechanisms that allow affected parties to request review. These mechanisms should include defined evidentiary standards and binding response timelines. Third, the CMA’s existing transparency practices should be codified. The authority should publish its reasoning in all cases, whether it removes, maintains, or modifies a remedy. This would strengthen accountability and allow firms to understand the analytical basis for continued intervention.

IV. Concurrency and the Risk of Fragmentation

The consultation seeks views on whether sector regulators should oversee remedies imposed by the Competition and Markets Authority (CMA), whether the proposed consultative approach to concurrency is appropriate, and whether further reform is needed.[40]

If not carefully designed, expanded concurrency risks multiplying intervention without improving outcomes. It may undermine the Government’s objectives of pace, predictability, proportionality, and process. The UK’s existing framework already grants competition-law powers to sector regulators, including Ofcom, Ofgem, and the Financial Conduct Authority.[41] While this model can draw on sector-specific expertise, it also creates well-documented risks of duplication, forum shopping, and inconsistent decision-making.

These risks would extend—and intensify—if sector regulators were permitted to oversee CMA-imposed remedies. Remedies are not merely technical follow-ons to liability findings. They are ongoing, market-shaping interventions. Splitting responsibility for their design, implementation, and review across multiple authorities risks inconsistent interpretation, higher compliance costs, and diffused accountability. From a law & economics perspective, such fragmentation increases error costs. It raises the likelihood of overbroad or misapplied remedies and makes those errors harder to detect and correct.

The OECD has warned that concurrency frameworks can generate overlap and inefficiency where roles are not clearly defined.[42] The Strategic Steer reinforces this point. It directs the CMA to prioritise interventions with a ‘clear and direct UK impact’ and to consider whether parallel enforcement elsewhere can address concerns.[43] This principle should apply with equal force within the United Kingdom’s own institutional framework. That principle should apply equally within the UK. A system that allows multiple domestic authorities to exercise overlapping powers risks replicating, at home, the duplication the Government seeks to avoid abroad.

Reform should therefore follow an explicit anti-duplication principle. Where the CMA imposes remedies, it should remain the lead authority responsible for oversight and review. Sector regulators can and should contribute expertise, but they should not exercise parallel supervisory authority absent a clear statutory justification grounded in necessity and proportionality. This approach would promote predictability by ensuring that firms face a single decision-maker and a single set of binding obligations.

A consultative model offers the right balance. Sector regulators possess valuable technical expertise, particularly in telecommunications, energy, and financial services. They should provide evidence, market knowledge, and technical input. That does not require shared authority over remedies. Granting such authority would risk turning competition enforcement into co-regulation, blurring the line between competition law and sector-specific regulation. This risk is especially acute given the consultation’s broader trajectory, which already expands the CMA’s quasi-regulatory role.

A well-designed concurrency regime must also preserve clear lines of accountability. It should specify which authority designs remedies, which monitors compliance, and which is accountable for outcomes, including effects on investment, innovation, and consumer welfare. Any reform should therefore require designation of a single lead authority, transparent allocation of responsibilities, and unified review mechanisms. These should include sunset clauses and periodic reassessment conducted by, or under the authority of, the lead institution.

As the CMA’s powers expand, the need for clarity and accountability increases. Concurrency reform should reduce fragmentation, not entrench it.

V. Expansion of Algorithmic Investigative Powers

Chapter 4 of the consultation proposes extending the DMCC Act’s investigative powers beyond the Strategic Market Status regime to general competition enforcement.[44] These powers include the ability to require firms to explain how algorithms operate, conduct tests, generate data, and perform specified demonstrations. In its March 2026 response, the CMA went further, arguing that such powers ‘should also not be limited to algorithms’ but should apply to all investigative information-gathering across the economy.[45]

This proposal is both disproportionate and without clear precedent. It also risks undermining the predictability that the Government has placed at the centre of its reform agenda.

No comparable jurisdiction has taken this approach. In the European Union, algorithm-specific obligations remain confined to the Digital Markets Act, which applies only to designated gatekeepers, and the AI Act, which targets high-risk systems. Competition enforcement under Articles 101 and 102 TFEU continues to rely on established investigative tools.[46] In the United States, the Federal Trade Commission uses existing powers under Sections 5 and 9 to investigate algorithmic conduct, while the Department of Justice pursues such cases under the Sherman Act without additional statutory authority.

The UK proposal would go significantly further. It would extend algorithmic-testing powers from a targeted ex ante digital-markets regime to general competition enforcement across the entire economy. No other major jurisdiction has adopted, or proposed, such an expansive approach.

A. Sector-Specific Powers in a General Enforcement Context

Section 69 of the DMCC Act was designed for a narrow, ex ante regime applied to a small number of firms designated with Strategic Market Status. Extending these powers to general competition enforcement would subject firms across the entire economy to quasi-regulatory oversight developed for a fundamentally different context.

The distinction is critical. Existing regimes that mandate algorithmic testing—such as financial trading under the Financial Services Act, medical devices under MHRA guidance, and autonomous vehicles under the Automated Vehicles Act 2024—target specific, well-defined harms, including systemic financial risk, patient safety, and road safety.[47] They operate within cooperative regulatory frameworks, where firms accept oversight as a condition of market access. Regulators in these sectors possess deep, domain-specific expertise, and the scope of regulated algorithms is clearly defined.

General competition enforcement differs in each respect. It is inherently adversarial. The harms it addresses are diffuse and often contested. There is no clear limiting principle to define which algorithms fall within scope; in practice, any automated decision-making system in any sector could be captured. The CMA would therefore need to assess algorithmic systems across the entire economy—from financial services and logistics to healthcare and retail—an institutional demand that no competition authority is equipped to meet.

The burden would not fall evenly. As Mayer Brown observed in 2021, even ‘smaller firms licensing “off the shelf” algorithms would face the same investigatory expectations as larger/dominant firms’ and may lack access to the underlying data needed to comply. Extending these powers risks imposing disproportionate obligations on firms least able to meet them, without a corresponding gain in enforcement effectiveness.[48]

B. Trade Secrets and Confidentiality Risks

Algorithms, training weights, and machine-learning architectures are among firms’ most valuable trade secrets. As Katarina Foss-Solbrekk observes, trade secrets are ‘the only option left for firms wishing to protect their algorithms’[49]—a trend reinforced by Robin Feldman’s work showing that post-Alice Corp. patent law has pushed developers further toward secrecy.[50] Compelling disclosure of such assets in an adversarial investigation creates significant security risks. In merger reviews involving AI firms, the CMA could gain access to some of the most commercially sensitive intellectual property in the world.

These risks are not hypothetical. During the Microsoft/Activision Blizzard merger review, unredacted confidential materials—including Xbox console roadmaps, next-generation hardware plans, unannounced game titles, and internal acquisition-target lists—were inadvertently disclosed on a public court server in related FTC proceedings.[51] The episode illustrates how even well-resourced authorities can fail to fully protect sensitive information.

Recent UK litigation reinforces the point. In Tereos v Competition & Mkts. Auth., proceedings before the Competition Appeal Tribunal highlighted the difficulty of balancing confidentiality interests under the current framework.[52] Expanding algorithmic testing powers would intensify these challenges, increasing both the volume and sensitivity of information subject to disclosure.

C. Institutional Limits and Practical Risks

Competition authorities are not institutionally equipped to oversee algorithmic systems in a quasi-regulatory capacity. Algorithms are dynamic and continuously adaptive, not static rule-based systems. Requiring firms to run ‘specified tests’ under artificial conditions risks producing outputs that bear little resemblance to real-world market behaviour.

The Hayekian knowledge problem is directly relevant. Central authorities lack the localised, context-specific information needed to assess whether algorithmic outcomes are ‘fair’ or ‘anticompetitive’.[53] The OECD’s 2023 Algorithmic Competition Roundtable found that responses ‘generally suggested that most algorithmic theories of harm are already captured by existing law’.[54] Former US FTC Chair Maureen Ohlhausen has likewise argued that ‘concerns about algorithms are a bit alarmist’ and that ‘expanding use of algorithms raises familiar issues well within the existing canon’.[55] These assessments weigh against introducing novel, intrusive investigative powers where existing tools already suffice.

The practical consequences for merger control are significant. Merger review operates under strict statutory deadlines. Adding complex algorithmic testing and demonstration requirements would slow proceedings, increase costs for merging parties, and introduce further uncertainty into already demanding timelines. At the margin, such burdens may deter investment in the UK, contrary to the Government’s stated objectives.

The CMA’s own 2026–2029 strategy recognises this risk, warning that ‘burdensome interventions risk stifling innovation’.[56] Extending algorithmic investigation powers across general competition enforcement would exemplify precisely that type of intervention.

VI. Conclusion

ICLE welcomes the Government’s commitment to refining the United Kingdom’s competition regime. Several proposals in the consultation—notably the statutory presumption of sunset clauses and the extension of Phase 1 remedy timeframes—reflect sound, evidence-based policymaking. They will reduce regulatory friction and provide the legal certainty required for sustained economic growth.

Several of the most consequential proposals, however, risk undermining those objectives. Abolishing the CMA’s independent panel without introducing merits-based appellate review at the Competition Appeal Tribunal would concentrate investigative, prosecutorial, and adjudicative authority within a single institution. That shift would erode structural safeguards that underpin the credibility of UK competition enforcement and place the regime below the standard maintained in comparable jurisdictions.

Extending algorithmic investigation powers from the DMCC Act’s tightly circumscribed Strategic Market Status regime to general competition enforcement would be internationally unprecedented and disproportionate to any demonstrated need. It also risks chilling the algorithm-driven innovation on which the Government’s growth agenda depends. Similarly, permitting sector regulators to exercise parallel supervisory authority over CMA-imposed remedies would fragment accountability and increase compliance burdens. The CMA should remain the single lead authority, with sector regulators contributing expertise through a consultative model.

A recurring concern throughout this submission is that many proposals draw on the DMCC Act’s digital-markets regime as an institutional template. That framework received Royal Assent in May 2024, took effect in January 2025, and has so far been applied to only three Strategic Market Status designations across two firms. Extending its most intrusive features before they have been tested in practice risks compounding the proportionality and predictability concerns reflected in both the Strategic Steer and the CMA’s ‘4Ps’ framework.

Reform should also be guided by the error-cost framework. False positives in competition enforcement are typically more costly and less self-correcting than false negatives, particularly in innovation-intensive markets. Expanding CMA powers therefore requires stronger evidentiary standards, more robust appellate review, and mandatory sunset provisions—not lower thresholds for intervention.

The Government’s ambition to create a ‘best-in-class’ competition regime calls for a selective, not sweeping, reform agenda. Targeted procedural improvements should be prioritised. Expanding investigatory reach in ways that increase uncertainty, deter investment, and weaken predictability would ultimately undermine the pro-growth mission at the centre of the Government’s programme.

[1] Dep’t for Bus. & Trade, Refining Our Competition Regime: Driving Growth and Enhancing Competition for Businesses and Consumers (20 Jan. 2026) [hereinafter Consultation].

[2] Sarah Cardell, New CMA Proposals to Drive Growth, Investment and Business Confidence, Competition & Mkts. Auth. Blog (13 Feb. 2025), https://competitionandmarkets.blog.gov.uk/2025/02/13/new-cma-proposals-to-drive-growth-investment-and-business-confidence.

[3] Dep’t for Bus. & Trade & Competition & Mkts. Auth., Strategic Steer to the Competition and Markets Authority (15 May 2025), https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/strategic-steer-to-the-competition-and-markets-authority/strategic-steer-to-the-competition-and-markets-authority [hereinafter Strategic Steer].

[4] HM Gov’t, Kickstarting Economic Growth (last visited 26 Mar. 2026), https://www.gov.uk/missions/economic-growth.

[5] Keir Starmer, Keir Starmer: Growth Is the Chancellor’s Priority, The Times (28 Jan. 2025), https://www.thetimes.com/uk/politics/article/keir-starmer-growth-chancellor-k68ptvh6x; HM Treasury & Rachel Reeves, Chancellor Calls on Watchdog Bosses to Tear Down Regulatory Barriers That Hold Back Growth (22 Jan. 2025), https://www.gov.uk/government/news/chancellor-calls-on-watchdog-bosses-to-tear-down-regulatory-barriers-that-hold-back-growth.

[6] Guy Taylor, Ousted CMA Chair Bokkerink Defends Tenure, City A.M. (8 Feb. 2025), https://www.cityam.com/ousted-cma-chair-bokkerink-defends-tenure.

[7] Dep’t for Bus. & Trade, Competition & Mkts. Auth. & Jonathan Reynolds, Former Amazon Boss Named Interim Chair of CMA (21 Jan. 2025), https://www.gov.uk/government/news/former-amazon-boss-named-interim-chair-of-cma.

[8] See Strategic Steer, supra note 3.

[9] Cardell, supra note 2.

[10] Competition & Mkts. Auth., Mergers Charter: How to Work with the CMA on a Merger Investigation (12 Mar. 2025), https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/mergers-charter-how-to-work-with-the-cma-on-a-merger-investigation/mergers-charter.

[11] Dep’t for Bus. & Trade, Regulator Dashboard (21 Oct. 2025), https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/regulator-dashboard.

[12] Consultation, supra note 1, at 3 (‘improving the pace, predictability, proportionality, and process of engagement through refinements to the legislative framework for competition’).

[13] Richard Feasey, Address at the Law Council of Australia’s Competition and Consumer (ACCC) Annual Conference: The Role of the CMA Panel in Decision Making: Merger Enforcement and Reform (1 Sept. 2021), https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/the-role-of-the-cma-panel-in-decision-making-merger-enforcement-and-reform.

[14] Consultation, supra note 1, ¶ 25.

[15] Id.

[16] Id. ¶ 6.

[17] See Gavin Robert, Three Years of CMA Merger Control: A Statistical Review, 16 Competition L.J. 211, 216 (2017) (‘…until the CMA formed as a single authority in 2014, the UK maintained separate Phase 1 and Phase 2 bodies: the OFT decided Phase 1, and, on reference, the CC conducted Phase 2. Many viewed this as an effective—if costly—check on confirmation bias.’).

[18] Consultation, supra note 1, ¶ 26.

[19] UK Government Consults on Major Reforms to Competition Processes, Osborne Clarke (4 Feb. 2026), https://www.osborneclarke.com/insights/uk-government-consults-major-reforms-competition-processes.

[20] UK Government Launches Consultation Overhauling the CMA’s Competition Regime, Baker Botts (3 Feb. 2026), https://www.bakerbotts.com/thought-leadership/publications/2026/february/uk-government-launches-consultation-overhauling-the-cmas-competition-regime.

[21] Greg Dowell & Fiona Beattie, Refining the UK Competition Regime: Proposals to Change Mergers and Markets Investigations, Macfarlanes (30 Jan. 2026), https://www.macfarlanes.com/insights/102mfb9/refining-the-uk-competition-regime-proposals-to-change-mergers-and-markets-inves.

[22] Cérélia Group Holdings SAS v Competition & Mkts. Auth. [2024] EWCA Civ 352, paras 28–41.

[23] Id.

[24] Case C-376/20 P, CK Telecoms UK Invs. Ltd v Comm’n, ECLI:EU:C:2023:561 (2023).

[25] Loper Bright Enters. v Raimondo, 603 U.S. 369 (2024).

[26] Org. for Econ. Co-operation & Dev. (OECD), Recommendation of the Council on Transparency and Procedural Fairness in Competition Law Enforcement (2021), https://legalinstruments.oecd.org/en/instruments/OECD-LEGAL-0465.

[27] Consultation, supra note 1, ¶ 26.

[28] Id.

[29] Org. for Econ. Co-operation & Dev. (OECD), Remedies and Commitments in Abuse Cases, OECD Roundtables on Competition Policy Papers No. 288, at 14 (Nov. 2022), https://www.oecd.org/content/dam/oecd/en/publications/reports/2022/11/remedies-and-commitments-in-abuse-cases_c215224a/b975b0e3-en.pdf (‘An early termination ensures the remedy remains proportionate—it ceases once unnecessary—and frees the authority from ongoing monitoring, so it can redeploy resources more effectively.’).

[30] Joseph J. Cordes, Susan E. Dudley & Layvon Q. Washington, Regulatory Compliance Burdens: Literature Review & Synthesis, Geo. Wash. Univ. Regulatory Stud. Ctr., at 14–16 (Oct. 2022), https://regulatorystudies.columbian.gwu.edu/sites/g/files/zaxdzs4751/files/2022-10/regulatory_compliance_burdens_litreview_synthesis_finalweb.pdf.

[31] U.S. Fed. Trade Comm’n, Policy Statement on the Duration of Competition Orders (1995), https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/documents/public_statements/410481/frndurationoforders.pdf (establishing an automatic 20-year sunset for administrative orders).

[32] U.S. Dep’t of Justice, Antitrust Div., Merger Remedies Manual (2020), https://www.justice.gov/atr/page/file/1312416/dl; see also In re Synopsys, Inc., FTC Dkt. No. C-4820, at 19 (2025), https://www.ftc.gov/legal-library/browse/cases-proceedings/241-0059-c-4820-synopsys-inc-ansys-inc-matter (imposing a ten-year consent order).

[33] EU behavioural commitments under Article 9 of Regulation 1/2003 are typically time-limited, usually five to ten years depending on the concern. See, e.g., Commission Decision of 16 Dec. 2009, Case COMP/C-3/39.530 — Microsoft (Tying) (five-year commitment); Commission Decision of 29 Apr. 2014, Case AT.39939 — Samsung — Enforcement of UMTS Standard Essential Patents (five-year commitment); Commission Decision of 11 July 2024, Case AT.40452 — Apple — Mobile Payments, C(2024) 4761 (ten-year commitment).

[34] Org. for Econ. Co-operation & Dev. (OECD), Remedies and Commitments in Abuse Cases, supra note 29; Int’l Competition Network (ICN), Merger Working Grp., Merger Remedies Guide, at 4 (2016), https://www.internationalcompetitionnetwork.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/MWG_RemediesGuide.pdf.

[35] Competition & Mkts. Auth., Strategic Review of CMA Markets Remedies (19 Jan. 2026), https://www.gov.uk/cma-cases/strategic-review-of-cma-markets-remedies; Consultation, supra note 1, at 3 (‘For each remedy, the CMA expects that clear, straightforward changes in circumstances may render the measure unnecessary, allowing it to be amended or withdrawn.’).

[36] The Restriction on Agreements and Conduct (Tour Operators) Order 1987, SI 1987/1131, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/1987/1131/made; The Foreign Package Holidays (Tour Operators and Travel Agents) Order 2001, SI 2001/2581, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/2001/2581/contents/made.

[37] Competition & Mkts. Auth., PPI Market Investigation Order 2011 (24 Mar. 2011), https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/5c94dcfce5274a5e10fd5944/PPI_Order.pdf.

[38] Fin. Conduct Auth., PPI Complaints (updated 23 Apr. 2025), https://www.fca.org.uk/consumers/ppi-complaints.

[39] Fin. Conduct Auth., FCA Strips Back Insurance Rulebook (14 May 2025), https://www.fca.org.uk/news/press-releases/fca-strips-back-insurance-rulebook.

[40] Consultation, supra note 1, questions 11–13.

[41] Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Act 2013, § 51 & sch. 14; Competition Act 1998, § 54.

[42] Org. for Econ. Co-operation & Dev. (OECD), Competition Law and Policy in the United Kingdom (Peer Review, 2020).

[43] HM Gov’t, Strategic Steer to the Competition and Markets Authority, supra note 3.

[44] Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Act 2024, c. 13, § 69 (UK).

[45] Competition & Mkts. Auth., Response to the Consultation on Refining Our Competition Regime (Mar. 2026) (‘algorithmic investigation powers should not be limited to algorithms’).

[46] See Regulation (EU) 2022/1925 (Digital Markets Act); Regulation (EU) 2024/1689 (AI Act) (neither extends algorithmic investigation powers to general competition enforcement under Articles 101–102 TFEU).

[47] Directive 2014/65/EU, art. 17 (MiFID II) (algorithmic trading obligations); U.S. Food & Drug Admin. & MHRA, Good Machine Learning Practice for Medical Device Development (2021); Automated Vehicles Act 2024 (UK).

[48] Mayer Brown LLP, Response to CMA Consultation on Algorithms (2021).

[49] Katarina Foss-Solbrekk, Three Routes to Protecting AI Systems and Their Algorithms Under IP Law: The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly, 16 J. Intell. Prop. L. & Prac. 1300 (2021).

[50] Robin Feldman, Patent Demands & Startup Companies: The View from the Venture Capital Community, 16 Nev. L.J. 583 (2016).

[51] Cecilia D’Anastasio & Leah Nylen, Microsoft Mistakenly Reveals Secret Game Plans in Court Case, Bloomberg (19 Sept. 2023).

[52] Tereos v. CMA [2024] CAT (UK) (demonstrating difficulty of balancing confidentiality interests in CMA proceedings).

[53] See Friedrich A. Hayek, The Use of Knowledge in Society, 35 Am. Econ. Rev. 519, 524 (1945).

[54] Org. for Econ. Co-operation & Dev. (OECD), Algorithmic Competition (Roundtable Background Paper, 2023) (‘responses generally suggested that most algorithmic theories of harm are already captured by existing law’).

[55] Maureen K. Ohlhausen, Should We Fear the Things That Go Beep in the Night? Some Initial Thoughts on the Intersection of Antitrust Law and Algorithmic Pricing, Remarks at the Concurrences Antitrust in the Financial Sector Conference (23 May 2017).

[56] Competition & Mkts. Auth., Annual Plan 2026–29 (2026) (‘[b]urdensome interventions risk stifling innovation’).

Source: UK Department for Business and Trade Consultation

Regulatory Comments

ICLE Comments to the FCC on Sports Broadcasting Practices and Marketplace Developments

I. Introduction and Overview The International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) submits these comments in response to the Federal Communications Commission’s (FCC) Public Notice on “Sports Broadcasting Practices and...

I. Introduction and Overview

The International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) submits these comments in response to the Federal Communications Commission’s (FCC) Public Notice on “Sports Broadcasting Practices and Marketplace Developments.”[1] ICLE is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research center that promotes the use of law & economics methodologies to inform public policy. Its work aims to ensure that competition policy and regulation rest on sound economic analysis and promote consumer welfare, particularly in dynamic, technology-driven markets such as media and telecommunications.

The FCC’s request for comment comes at a critical moment for the video marketplace.[2] As ICLE has previously explained, video competition in the United States has never been more vigorous.[3] Consumers once relied on a limited set of local broadcast options. Today, they can access a wide array of video content across platforms and often treat nonbroadcast media as direct substitutes.[4] These expanded choices benefit consumers. At the same time, video providers—especially broadcasters—face growing difficulty maintaining the viewership needed to support investments in local programming, a core objective of FCC policy.[5]

Live sports have become one of the few remaining anchors of broadcast viewership.[6] Unlike scripted programming or local news, live sports deliver immediacy that viewers value. Audiences can watch games on demand after the fact, but much of the appeal lies in the shared, real-time experience.[7] Fans engage before, during, and after games, reacting collectively in ways that on-demand viewing cannot replicate.[8] These moments draw large audiences and allow local broadcasters to command premium advertising rates that sustain much of their business.[9]

Technological change, however, has fragmented the distribution of sports rights. High-profile games increasingly bypass traditional broadcasters in favor of cable networks and streaming platforms. For example, Monday Night Football airs on ESPN, with limited local simulcasts, while some English Premier League matches appear exclusively on NBC’s Peacock service.[10] The Public Notice raises two central questions: how this fragmentation affects consumer welfare, and whether broadcasters can continue to meet their public-interest obligations under the Communications Act if they lose access to these games.

The FCC’s concerns understate the benefits of this evolving marketplace. First, while the migration of sports rights to digital platforms may fragment distribution, it also expands access. Leagues increasingly use streaming services to offer more nationally available games, giving consumers greater choice.[11] Streaming also allows viewers to watch content regardless of location or access to a traditional television, often delivering a more flexible and user-friendly experience. Second, even if broadcasters lose rights to major professional leagues, they can pursue alternative programming strategies, including agreements with smaller leagues, minor league teams, or local schools.

The FCC’s legal authority in this area is also limited. The Communications Act empowers the agency to regulate broadcasters,[12] but the public-interest standard does not grant carte blanche to dictate programming choices.[13] Courts have substantially narrowed the constitutional foundations for content-based regulation, particularly those rooted in spectrum scarcity.[14] The FCC can and should use this proceeding to gather information about the evolving video marketplace. Any significant policy changes, however, should come from Congress.

Congress, for example, could revisit the Sports Broadcasting Act’s antitrust exemption. Repealing that exemption would allow leagues and broadcasters to negotiate more flexibly. If leaguewide agreements enhance competition and promote consumer welfare, they should survive antitrust scrutiny under the rule of reason.

II. Competition in Video Markets Benefits Consumers

The Public Notice raises important questions about competition in the modern video marketplace. Live sports broadcasting rights sit at the center of that competition. As technological change has expanded distribution options, video markets have become more dynamic, with broadcast, MVPD, and streaming platforms offering distinct benefits tailored to different consumer preferences.

Competition for sports rights has produced substantial consumer benefits. It has expanded access to games that were previously unavailable, enabled more flexible viewing across devices and locations, and spurred innovation in pricing, features, and content delivery. While fragmentation across platforms can impose search costs and require multiple subscriptions, these tradeoffs reflect increased output and intensified competition, rather than a reduction in consumer welfare.

A. Live Sports Sit at the Center of Modern Video Competition

Video markets are undergoing rapid change driven by technological innovation. As ICLE has noted in prior FCC proceedings, the rise of multichannel video programming distributors (MVPDs) and digital streaming services has shifted viewing patterns away from traditional over-the-air broadcast.[15] Consumers now prefer on-demand content they can watch on any device, regardless of location. Live sports remain the primary exception to this trend.

Live sports differ from other video content because they derive value from real-time consumption.[16] A viewer who misses an episode of a scripted show can avoid spoilers and watch later with little loss of value. That is not true for sports. Fans place a premium on experiencing games as they happen, alongside other viewers. Replays cannot replicate the immediacy or shared emotional experience of live competition.[17] As a result, major sporting events remain appointment viewing that audiences plan to watch in real time.

Video distributors have long recognized the value of this appointment viewing. From the earliest days of television, broadcasters used live sports to drive adoption. NBC and CBS aired sporting events to encourage Americans to purchase television sets.[18] Advertisers quickly followed, drawn by sports audiences that are large, loyal, and highly engaged.

That dynamic continues to shape the modern video marketplace. New entrants use live sports to drive adoption of emerging platforms and strengthen existing distribution models. ABC shifted Monday Night Football to cable in part to boost ESPN’s audience. The NFL launched Thursday Night Football to support its own cable channel and gain leverage in carriage negotiations.[19] World Wrestling Entertainment created one of the earliest direct-to-consumer streaming platforms by using live “pay-per-view” events to attract subscribers.[20]

Streaming platforms now follow the same playbook. Netflix and Amazon Prime Video have carried NFL games on Christmas Day, while Amazon holds primary rights to Thursday Night Football.[21] NBCUniversal streams select English Premier League matches exclusively on Peacock and has begun applying a similar strategy to its NBA rights.[22] The NBA offers League Pass to stream out-of-market games directly to consumers.[23] ESPN+ carries NHL games, PGA Tour coverage, and other sports programming.[24] Apple TV+ hosts Major League Soccer matches.[25]

These developments place live sports at the center of video competition. Streaming services rely on them to attract and retain subscribers. Linear television providers depend on them to remain relevant in an on-demand environment. Consumers, however, may face tradeoffs. Fragmentation across platforms can require multiple subscriptions to access games that were once available over the air.

B. Paywalled Sports Content Often Expands Consumer Access

Consumers often express frustration that they must subscribe to multiple services to access a league’s full slate of games, and that many contests now sit behind paywalls. As a baseline matter, however, much of this paywalled content was never available through traditional broadcast channels. The NFL illustrates this point.

Over the past two decades, the NFL has expanded its schedule beyond traditional Sunday and Monday night windows. It introduced Thursday Night Football, initially on NFL Network and now on Amazon Prime Video.[26] The league has also added Christmas Day games and early-morning international matchups. Many of these games sit behind paywalls for national audiences, though they typically remain available over the air in participating teams’ local markets. Historically, these games would not have appeared on local broadcast at all. Instead, they would have been played concurrently with existing Sunday matchups, leaving national audiences without access.

The NBA follows a similar model with League Pass, which allows fans to watch out-of-market, non-nationally televised games. Although the service requires a subscription, it offers access that did not previously exist. Before such offerings, fans outside a team’s local market had no practical way to view these games.

In this sense, paywalled sports content often expands, rather than restricts, consumer access. These services make additional games available that would otherwise remain unseen by most audiences.

C. Different Models Offer Different Consumer Benefits

The Public Notice emphasizes the benefits of broadcast television, particularly its free, over-the-air accessibility.[27] Broadcast remains valuable, but alternative distribution models offer distinct advantages that many consumers prefer.

Multichannel video programming distributors (MVPDs) provide bundled access to a wide range of channels and features. A cable subscription allows consumers to access broadcast content without a separate receiver, enabling them to use a display, rather than a television with built-in tuning capability. MVPDs also increasingly bundle streaming services with traditional channel packages.[28] Charter, for example, includes HBO Max, Disney+, Hulu, ESPN, Paramount+, Peacock, and Fox One in certain offerings.[29] These bundles reduce the need for consumers to purchase multiple subscriptions a la carte.

MVPD services also address many concerns associated with fragmented distribution. They offer integrated search and program guides that allow users to locate games regardless of channel or platform, reducing confusion. MVPD feeds also typically deliver higher-quality, lower-latency video than streaming services, often running 20–60 seconds ahead.[30] This reduces the risk of spoilers and places less strain on home broadband networks. While MVPD subscriptions may appear more expensive than individual streaming services, bundled offerings can be price-competitive—or even cheaper—when compared to purchasing multiple standalone subscriptions. Long-term pricing guarantees further enhance their appeal for some consumers.

Streaming services, however, have reshaped the video marketplace by offering a different set of benefits. Most notably, they operate across devices, allowing consumers to watch content wherever they are. This flexibility represents a significant departure from traditional viewing constraints. Consumers no longer need to be at home to watch live sports; they can follow games in real time from virtually any location.

Streaming also enables more tailored consumption. While MVPD bundles may appeal to consumers who want comprehensive access, others may prefer narrower, lower-cost options. A fan focused on a single sport or league may need only one subscription. For example, a UFC fan can access all events through Paramount+ for roughly $9–$14 per month, depending on the plan.[31] For cost-sensitive consumers, this a la carte model allows access to desired content without paying for unwanted programming.

D. Competition Drives Innovation Across Video Markets

All major video platforms recognize the value of live sports and compete using different technologies and business models. This competition can strain incumbents, but it also drives adaptation in response to consumer preferences and technological change. When streaming platforms acquire sports rights, they force traditional distributors to innovate or risk losing relevance.

MVPDs have responded by bundling streaming services with traditional channel offerings and adjusting pricing to remain competitive in the face of rising churn. Broadcasters, for their part, are deploying the ATSC 3.0 standard to improve functionality and reliability for over-the-air viewers.[32] Streaming platforms must also continue to innovate or risk losing subscribers to rivals—or even to legacy distribution models that retain distinct advantages.

These competitive dynamics extend beyond distribution to the leagues themselves. Sports leagues compete intensely for consumer attention—not only against each other, but also against other forms of entertainment, including television, movies, podcasts, and video games. This competition creates incentives to experiment with new distribution models that expand reach and increase revenue. Streaming platforms may offer broader audiences, enhanced features, or higher licensing fees. Increased media-rights revenue allows leagues to invest in players, facilities, and the on-field—or on-court—product. Because leagues typically share this revenue, even smaller-market teams can remain viable and competitive, expanding access to professional sports across more communities.

Local broadcasters also retain opportunities to adapt. While some stations may lose rights to major professional leagues, they can pursue alternative strategies to attract viewers. Broadcast’s comparative advantage lies in local presence. Stations can invest in local news, regional sports, or partnerships with smaller leagues and community teams. If audiences value this content, it can sustain viewership. If not, broadcasters will need to adjust their programming to match consumer demand.

E. Local News Is Not Dependent on Broadcast

A common claim is that declining broadcast television necessarily leads to a decline in local news.[33] That view overlooks how consumers now access information about their communities and the world.

Consumers increasingly rely on digital sources—social media, local websites, newsletters, and independent online outlets—for local news. Some applications aggregate local broadcasts from stations nationwide.[34] The traditional gatekeeping role of broadcasters and newspapers has largely disappeared. Today, individuals can launch blogs, newsletters, or video channels and reach audiences directly. Lower barriers to entry have expanded both the volume and diversity of local coverage. Stories that once may not have reached publication can now find an audience online.

The FCC’s focus on local stations risks conflating two distinct objectives: preserving local content and preserving a particular distribution technology. Policies that favor broadcast over competing platforms would distort competition and reduce consumer welfare.

If broadcasters lose access to some sports-related revenue, they must compete on their comparative advantages—local reporting, trusted on-air personalities, and coverage that national outlets cannot replicate. If broadcast television continues to provide value, the market will sustain it. If not, policy should not attempt to preserve legacy distribution models at the expense of innovation.

F. Fragmentation Imposes Costs but Likely Benefits Consumers

The Public Notice identifies fragmentation of sports-viewing rights as a central concern, citing both consumer confusion and rising costs:

Many games are still available for free over broadcast TV, but there has been a surge in recent years of games going behind the paywalls of various streaming services. While this can increase the number of games and sports available to fans, many consumers today find it more difficult to find the events they want to watch and are now paying to sign up for one or more video distribution platforms that consumers can find difficult to navigate.[35]

These concerns have some force. As rights fragment across platforms, consumers may no longer be able to watch all games through a single service or via over-the-air broadcast. Some fans must now subscribe to multiple platforms to access nationally televised games. Fragmentation can also create search costs and confusion, with approximately 87% of fans reporting difficulty identifying where specific games are available.[36] Streaming introduces additional challenges, including latency, reliability concerns, and access barriers tied to broadband availability and cost.

Even so, these effects do not necessarily reduce consumer welfare. As discussed above, consumers now have more choices for both entertainment generally and live sports specifically. Competition among platforms and leagues continues to drive innovation in pricing, features, and distribution. The relevant question is not whether fragmentation imposes some costs, but whether those costs outweigh the benefits of expanded access and increased competition. In the case of sports media rights, the evidence suggests that the benefits are likely to predominate.

III. Legal Limits on FCC Authority Over Sports Broadcasting

The Public Notice frames this inquiry as an examination of competition in the video marketplace, with particular focus on whether broadcasters can meet their public-interest obligations without revenues from live sports.[37] As a legal matter, however, the FCC has limited authority to regulate private contracts between professional sports leagues and streaming platforms or to require that leagues distribute games over broadcast television. Even when streaming platforms are affiliated with broadcast networks, the agency lacks authority to compel the airing of specific content. Any mandate requiring broadcast carriage of particular programming would raise serious constitutional concerns and, in any event, would require congressional action.

Because the FCC regulates broadcast licenses, it may attempt to invoke its public-interest authority to discourage networks from shifting sports content from broadcast to streaming platforms. The Public Notice suggests as much, stating:

At the same time, sports remain inherently local, despite the increasingly national nature and reach of both professional and college sports events. Just as communities turn to their local TV broadcasters for news, weather, and emergency information, they do the same for coverage of their local sports teams. Many sporting events that were previously available through free broadcast and traditional pay-TV packages, are now only available through a myriad of stand-alone subscription streaming services. This shift has led to notable frustration among many consumers and sports fans. Sports fans are increasingly left with a fragmented ecosystem that requires them to subscribe to multiple services to watch their favorite teams.[38]

The Public Notice further asks:

To what extent do current sports media rights contracts conflict with or impede TV broadcasters from meeting their public interest obligations? How should these arrangements be considered in the context of broadcasters’ public interest obligations and the FCC’s duty to ensure licensees meet their statutory requirements?[39]

These questions suggest the FCC may view carriage of professional sports as part of a broadcaster’s obligation to promote localism. Under that theory, the agency could argue that broadcast licensees must air local-team games on broadcast stations, either exclusively or alongside streaming distribution. It may also contend that shifting games to streaming platforms reduces local-station revenue and undermines their ability to fund news and other community programming.

Both theories face serious legal hurdles.

A. Scarcity Doctrine Does Not Support Sports Regulation

In Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC, the Supreme Court upheld the FCC’s authority to regulate broadcast content based on spectrum scarcity.[40] Because only a limited number of broadcasters could operate without interference, licensed stations were treated as “public trustees,” allowing the FCC to impose speech regulations that would violate the First Amendment if applied to print media.

Even at the time, however, that authority had limits that would constrain any attempt to regulate sports broadcasting decisions.

First, Red Lion addressed the Fairness Doctrine, which required broadcasters to present contrasting viewpoints on public issues. While constitutionally suspect, the doctrine rested on explicit congressional authorization. The Communications Act specifically reflects similar principles in its equal-time provisions, and the Court relied on that statutory foundation in upholding the FCC’s rule.[41] No comparable statutory directive requires broadcast networks to air local sports games, rather than distribute them via streaming platforms. To the contrary, the Sports Broadcasting Act suggests the FCC lacks authority to regulate these arrangements.[42] The statute permits leagues to negotiate collective broadcast agreements and impose certain blackouts, placing sports-media rights largely outside FCC control rather than subjecting them to additional oversight.

Second, the scarcity rationale underlying Red Lion no longer fits the modern media environment. The doctrine emerged when access to audiences depended on FCC-issued broadcast licenses. Today, cable, satellite, fiber, and digital platforms provide content producers with numerous pathways to reach consumers. Treating broadcast speech as uniquely scarce—while functionally identical content flows over other platforms—conflicts with current technological and economic realities. The First Amendment should expand protections for speech, not preserve restrictions based on outdated assumptions about media scarcity.

B. Major Questions Doctrine Limits FCC Authority

FCC authority over sports broadcasting rights is doubtful even apart from First Amendment concerns. The Supreme Court has recently emphasized, through the major questions doctrine, that agencies require clear congressional authorization to regulate issues of vast economic and political significance.[43]

Few markets fit that description more clearly than live-sports media rights. The FCC initiated this proceeding precisely because of the central role those rights play for businesses, communities, and the broader economy.

In West Virginia v. EPA,[44] the Court identified several indicators of a major-questions problem:

  1. The agency asserts sweeping new regulatory authority from a long-extant statute.
  2. The claimed authority rests on an ancillary or broadly worded provision.
  3. Congress has repeatedly declined to address the issue through legislation.

Those factors weigh against any expansive reading of the FCC’s public-interest authority here. The Communications Act’s public-interest standard applies to broadcast licensees, not to streaming platforms or the broader video marketplace. Efforts to regulate how leagues distribute games across platforms would represent a substantial expansion of that authority.

Congress’ treatment of sports-media rights reinforces this conclusion. By granting antitrust exemptions for certain leaguewide broadcasting agreements, Congress signaled that these arrangements fall within its own policy domain. If the FCC seeks to dictate how such agreements operate, it will require a clear delegation of authority from Congress.

IV. The Sports Broadcasting Act Distorts Video Markets

Despite the local nature of sports fandom, video rights generate greater value when sold on a leaguewide basis to national networks and advertisers. Centralized rights allow networks to select and schedule the most attractive matchups, maximizing audience size and advertising revenue. Early on, however, most leagues lacked centralized media deals. Individual franchises negotiated their own broadcast contracts, effectively acting as separate media entities. Teams in larger markets—or with broader national appeal—captured significantly more revenue than smaller-market rivals, threatening leaguewide competitive balance and financial stability.

The NFL responded by restricting how teams could sell broadcast rights. One rule barred franchises from entering agreements that extended into another team’s territory,[45] preserving the value of local audiences for smaller-market teams. At the same time, these restrictions limited teams’ ability to compete for viewers beyond their home markets.

Courts soon subjected these rules to antitrust scrutiny. In United States v. NFL, courts held that several league broadcasting restrictions violated the Sherman Act and blocked the NFL’s attempt to enter a leaguewide contract with CBS in 1961—even as the rival American Football League secured a collective agreement with ABC.[46]

The NFL then turned to Congress. In response, Congress enacted the Sports Broadcasting Act of 1961 (SBA), which allows professional sports leagues to sell “sponsored telecasting” rights collectively to television networks. Those networks, in turn, distribute games to local affiliates.[47] The statute reflected the technological landscape of the time, when broadcast television dominated and cable had not yet emerged as a significant distribution channel.

Media-rights agreements have since expanded dramatically. The SBA, however, is not necessary for leaguewide agreements to comply with antitrust law. Under rule-of-reason analysis, joint restraints—such as leaguewide media deals—are permissible if their procompetitive benefits outweigh any anticompetitive effects.[48] T The NCAA, for example, operates without SBA protection yet imposes various restrictions on member institutions, and athletic conferences routinely negotiate collective media deals.

Congress enacted the SBA when broadcast networks held substantial market power and leagues sought mechanisms to preserve competitive balance. Today, the market has shifted. The SBA applies only to broadcast television rights, while broader video markets have become more competitive. Leaguewide deals now tend to benefit national networks more than local affiliates by concentrating valuable rights at the network level. Those rights, in turn, drive retransmission negotiations, with cable operators valuing access to live sports more than local programming.[49]

Repealing the SBA would not eliminate leaguewide media agreements or restrictions on local contracting. It would, however, subject those arrangements to rule-of-reason scrutiny. That approach already applies in other contexts. For example, the NFL’s Sunday Ticket package—now distributed by YouTube TV—is the subject of ongoing antitrust litigation. An amicus brief filed by ICLE identifies several procompetitive features of the arrangement.[50]

Sunday Ticket originally helped DirecTV attract satellite subscribers and now serves a similar function for YouTube TV.[51] Exclusive licensing allows the distributor to internalize the benefits of its investments, including improvements in production quality and platform features, without free-rider concerns. Bundling out-of-market games also enables more efficient pricing and expands access to content that would otherwise remain unavailable. Although the litigation remains pending, these features illustrate why such agreements can survive rule-of-reason review even without a statutory exemption.

At the same time, if the anticompetitive harms of league-imposed restrictions outweigh their benefits, courts can invalidate them. Striking down rules that require leaguewide contracting could allow individual teams to negotiate directly with local broadcasters. That shift could strengthen local affiliates by enabling them to acquire valuable sports rights and improve their bargaining position with networks. Greater financial stability, in turn, could support increased investment in local content. Repealing the SBA would not guarantee this outcome, but it would ensure that sports-media restraints face the same antitrust scrutiny as other industries, regardless of the underlying technology.

V. Conclusion

ICLE appreciates the FCC’s efforts to examine competition in video markets at a time of rapid technological and economic change. Live sports broadcasting rights sit at the center of that evolution. As distribution has expanded across broadcast, MVPD, and streaming platforms, competition for these rights has intensified, driving innovation in pricing, features, and delivery. Consumers now benefit from greater access to sports content, more flexible viewing options, and a wider range of services tailored to different preferences. While fragmentation can impose search costs and require multiple subscriptions, it reflects increased output and competition—not a reduction in consumer welfare.

These same dynamics create strong incentives for firms to adapt. Broadcasters, MVPDs, and streaming platforms each compete by offering distinct advantages, while sports leagues experiment with new distribution models to expand reach and increase revenue. Even as traditional broadcast models face pressure, local content can persist through market-driven adjustments, rather than regulatory intervention.

The FCC should proceed with caution. The Communications Act does not grant the agency broad authority to regulate how networks distribute content or to dictate the terms of private agreements between leagues and media companies. Efforts to do so would raise serious constitutional and statutory concerns, including under the First Amendment and the major questions doctrine. If policymakers determine that intervention is warranted, Congress—not the FCC—must provide clear direction.

Congress could, for example, revisit the Sports Broadcasting Act. Repealing the SBA would not eliminate leaguewide media agreements, but it would subject them to rule-of-reason antitrust scrutiny, consistent with other industries and technologies. That approach would allow courts to weigh procompetitive benefits against any anticompetitive harms, ensuring that evolving sports-media markets continue to serve consumers.

[1] Sports Broadcasting Practices and Marketplace Developments, Public Notice, MB Docket No. 26-45 (Feb. 25, 2026), https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/DA-26-118A1.pdf [hereinafter Public Notice].

[2] See Comments of the Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ., 2022 Quadrennial Regulatory Review, MB Docket No. 22-459 (Dec. 17, 2025), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/FCC-Broadcast-Ownership-NPRM-2025.pdf; see also Comments of the Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ., Empowering Local Broadcast TV Stations to Meet Their Public Interest Obligations: Exploring Market Dynamics Between National Programmers and Their Affiliates, MB Docket No. 25-322 (Dec. 10, 2025), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Network-Affiliation-Comments-of-the-International-Center-for-Law-Economics.pdf.

[3] Eric Fruits, Video Competition in the United States, Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ. (Feb. 2025), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/tldr-Video-Competition-Overview-250225.pdf; see also Ben Sperry, Live Sports, Video Competition, and Antitrust, Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ. (May 22, 2025), https://laweconcenter.org/resources/live-sports-video-competition-and-antitrust.

[4] Eric Fruits, The FCC’s Broadcast-Ownership Review: Will the Agency Open the Door for Comprehensive Reform?, Truth on the Mkt. (Sept. 29, 2025), https://truthonthemarket.com/2025/09/29/the-fccs-broadcast-ownership-review-will-the-agency-open-the-door-for-comprehensive-reform.

[5] Public Notice, supra note 1, at 3-4.

[6] Jeffrey Westling & Ben Sperry, The 65-Year-Old Law That Still Shapes How You Watch Sports, Truth on the Mkt. (Mar. 11, 2026), https://laweconcenter.org/resources/the-65-year-old-law-that-still-shapes-how-you-watch-sports.

[7] See Reddit, The Business of Fandom 6, 11 (2026), https://www.business.reddit.com/resources/the-business-of-sports-fandom [hereinafter Reddit Report] (reporting that sports engagement on Reddit rose 22% in 2025, reaching 16 billion monthly views and more than 99 million monthly interactions, and explaining that fan discussion occurs before, during, and after games, driving demand for real-time viewing).

[8] Id. at 5.

[9] See Michael Mondello & John Fortunato, The Economics of Sport Broadcasting, in Sport Broadcasting for Managers 55, 58 (Hunter Fujak & Stephen Frawley eds., 2022), https://courses.worldcampus.psu.edu/canvas/su23/22351—2406/common/corefiles/The_Economics_of_Sport_Broadcasting.pdf (explaining that live sports command premium advertising value because viewers cannot skip commercials during live broadcasts).

[10] Joe Lucia, NBC Is Moving All Premier League Matches on July 15th to Peacock, Awful Announcing (July 8, 2020), https://awfulannouncing.com/nbc/nbc-is-moving-all-premier-league-matches-on-july-15th-to-peacock.html.

[11] Nicole Sperling, Netflix and the N.F.L. Sign a Three-Season Deal, N.Y. Times (May 15, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/15/business/media/netflix-nfl-live.html.

[12] 47 U.S.C § 301.

[13] Ben Sperry & Jeffrey Westling, The FCC’s Sleeping Power Over the Press, Truth on the Mkt. (Mar. 17, 2026), https://truthonthemarket.com/2026/03/17/the-fccs-sleeping-power-over-the-press.

[14] Ben Sperry, First Amendment Jurisprudence Should Reflect Economic Reality: Why Red Lion and Pacifica Must Fall, Truth on the Mkt. (Oct. 14, 2025), https://truthonthemarket.com/2025/10/14/first-amendment-jurisprudence-should-reflect-economic-reality-why-red-lion-and-pacifica-must-fall.

[15] Comments of Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ., MB Docket No. 22-459, supra note 2; Comments of Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ., MB Docket No. 25-322, supra note 2.

[16] Mondello & Fortunato, supra note 9, at 58.

[17] Reddit Report, supra note 7, at 6.

[18] Westling & Sperry, The 65-Year-Old Law That Still Shapes How You Watch Sports, supra note 6.

[19] “MNF” to ESPN for $8.8B; Sunday Night Goes to NBC for $3.6B, Sports Bus. J. (Apr. 18, 2005), https://www.sportsbusinessjournal.com/Daily/Issues/2005/04/19/Sports-Media/MNF-To-ESPN-For-$88B-Sunday-Night-Goes-To-NBC-For-$36B.

[20] Marc Graser, WWE Network to Launch in February as Streaming Service, Variety (Jan. 8, 2014), https://variety.com/2014/digital/news/wwe-network-to-launch-in-february-as-streaming-service-1201036864.

[21] Streamers Netflix, Amazon Set NFL Viewership Records on Christmas, Associated Press (Dec. 31, 2025), https://www.espn.com/nfl/story/_/id/47465593/streamers-netflix-amazon-set-nfl-records-christmas.

[22] Nick Mangione, How to Watch the NBA on NBC and Peacock: Schedule, Tip-Off Times, and More, Peacock Blog (Aug. 15, 2025), https://www.peacocktv.com/blog/nba-schedule-on-peacock-and-nbc.

[23] NBA League Pass, NBA (last visited Mar. 24, 2026), https://support.watch.nba.com/hc/en-us/articles/115000585974-NBA-League-Pass.

[24] All of ESPN. All in One Place, ESPN (last visited Mar. 24, 2026), https://plus.espn.com.

[25] Eben Novy-Williams & Jacob Feldman, Apple, MLS Deal Will End in 2029 With Revised Payment Structure, Sportico (Nov. 14, 2025), https://www.sportico.com/leagues/soccer/2025/apple-mls-streaming-contract-change-1234876902.

[26] Alex Sherman & Jabari Young, NFL Finalizes New 11-Year Media Rights Deal, Amazon Gets Exclusive Thursday Night Rights, CNBC (Mar. 18, 2021), https://www.cnbc.com/2021/03/18/nfl-media-rights-deal-2023-2033-amazon-gets-exclusive-thursday-night.html.

[27] Public Notice, supra note 1, at 1.

[28] Spectrum Streaming: Get Over $100 Per Month of Apps Included, Spectrum (last visited Mar. 24, 2026), https://www.spectrum.com/cable-tv/streaming.

[29] Id.

[30] Tom Butts, Super Bowl LVI Streaming Averaged 50–60 Seconds Behind Cable When Compared to In-Stadium Experience, TV Tech. (Feb. 14, 2022), https://www.tvtechnology.com/news/super-bowl-lvi-streaming-averaged-50-60-seconds-behind-cable.

[31] Macy Meyer, UFC Streaming Moves to Paramount Plus in Multibillion-Dollar Deal, CNET (Aug. 11, 2025), https://www.cnet.com/tech/services-and-software/ufc-streaming-moves-to-paramount-in-multi-billion-dollar-deal.

[32] Comments of the Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ., Authorizing Permissive Use of the “Next Generation” Broadcast Television Standard, GN Docket No. 16-142 (Jan. 15, 2026), https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/ATSC-Comments.pdf.

[33] Big Tech Is a Threat to Local Journalism, Nat’l Ass’n of Broadcasters (last visited Mar. 24, 2026), https://www.nab.org/bigtech.

[34] See, e.g., NewsON, https://www.newson.us.

[35] Public Notice, supra note 1, at 1.

[36] Jake Bickerton, Report Finds Sports Fragmentation Is Frustrating Fans, Sport Broadcast (Mar. 13, 2026), https://www.broadcastnow.co.uk/broadcasting/report-finds-sports-fragmentation-is-frustrating-fans/5214803.article.

[37] Public Notice, supra note 1, at 4-5.

[38] Id. at 3-4.

[39] Id. at 4-5.

[40] Red Lion Broad. Co. v. FCC, 395 U.S. 367, 400–01 (1969).

[41] 47 U.S.C. § 315.

[42] 15 U.S.C. §§ 1291–1295.

[43] See, e.g., West Virginia v. EPA, 597 U.S. 697 (2022).

[44] Id.

[45] David L. Anderson, The Sports Broadcasting Act: Calling It What It Is—Special Interest Legislation, 17 UC Law SF Comm. & Ent. L.J. 945, 946 (1995).

[46] Id. at 949-950.

[47] Sports Broadcasting Act of 1961, 15 U.S.C. §§ 1291–1295.

[48] See, e.g., NCAA v. Bd. of Regents of Univ. of Okla., 468 U.S. 85 (1984).

[49] Comments of Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ., MB Docket No. 25-322, supra note 2, at 6.

[50] Brief for Former Antitrust Enforcers as Amici Curiae Supporting Appellants, In re Nat’l Football League Sunday Ticket Antitrust Litig., No. 24-4115 (9th Cir. June 17, 2025).

[51] See Lillian Rizzo, NFL “Sunday Ticket” Goes to YouTube in Seven-Year, $2 Billion Annual Deal, CNBC (Dec. 22, 2022), https://www.cnbc.com/2022/12/22/nfl-sunday-ticket-youtube-tv.html; see also John Ourand, The Rise of Sunday Ticket, Sports Bus. J. (Sept. 1, 2019), https://www.sportsbusinessjournal.com/Journal/Issues/2019/09/02/Media/Sunday-Ticket (describing the prior history of NFL Sunday Ticket).

Source: Federal Communications Commission

Regulatory Comments

Letter to Idaho Senate Transportation Committee RE: Direct Vehicle Sales

On behalf of the International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE), a nonprofit, nonpartisan research group focused on rigorous economic analysis of law and policy, I write to express concerns...

On behalf of the International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE), a nonprofit, nonpartisan research group focused on rigorous economic analysis of law and policy, I write to express concerns about S. 1424.

As the Committee considers this legislation, we urge careful scrutiny of its competitive effects. By imposing an arbitrary temporal restriction that effectively bars direct-to-consumer vehicle sales, the bill risks reducing competition and harming consumers over the long term.

Idaho has long championed free-market competition and limited government intervention. S. 1424 moves in the opposite direction. It would shield incumbents from modern competitive pressures and adopt a protectionist approach that favors existing firms over new entrants.

Direct-Sales Restrictions as Barriers to Entry

Dealer franchise laws originally aimed to prevent manufacturers from engaging in “fair-weather” competition—opening company-owned stores to undercut independent dealers that had already made significant capital investments.

Today, those laws serve a different function. States increasingly use them to block new manufacturers from entering the market with a direct-sales model.

As ICLE has noted in prior work on state laws that affect interstate commerce,[1] these restrictions create substantial barriers to entry. By mandating a specific distribution model through an arbitrary cutoff date for direct-sale licensure, the state effectively selects winners and losers. The result: protection for incumbent firms at the expense of new competitors and Idaho consumers.

Reduced Price Competition and Stifled Distribution Innovation

Economic research shows that direct-sales models often lower prices. By removing intermediary markups and reducing inventory-related inefficiencies, manufacturers can pass savings directly to consumers.

S. 1424 would foreclose that option. It would force consumers into a single, potentially higher-cost purchasing channel and weaken competitive pressure on vehicle prices.

The automotive market is undergoing a generational shift in how vehicles are marketed and sold. Digital platforms, online ordering, and transparent pricing increasingly define consumer expectations.

S. 1424 would lock Idaho into an outdated, single-channel distribution system. By preventing new entrants from using direct-to-consumer models, the bill would restrict experimentation and slow the adoption of more efficient, consumer-responsive sales methods.

Conclusion: Let Markets Compete

Competitive markets reward firms that offer better products and more efficient delivery models. If the traditional franchise system remains superior, it will succeed without legislative protection.

If direct sales offer advantages, the law should not prevent firms from competing on that basis. A licensing threshold that effectively limits participation to a small number of firms undermines competition and consumer choice.

S. 1424 is likely to reduce competition, raise prices, and limit consumer options in Idaho.

Thank you for your time and for your service to the people of Idaho.

[1] Geoffrey A. Manne et al., ICLE Comments on State Laws Having Significant Adverse Effects on the National Economy or Interstate Commerce, Int’l Ctr. for L. & Econ. (Sept. 15, 2025), https://laweconcenter.org/resources/icle-comments-on-on-state-laws-having-significant-adverse-effects-on-the-national-economy-or-interstate-commerce.

Source: Idaho Senate Transportation Committee

Written Testimonies & Filings

ICLE Amicus to the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom in Tesla v Avanci

1.    Statement of Interest 1.1 The International Center for Law & Economics (“ICLE”) is a non-profit, non-partisan global research and policy center, devoted to building . . .

1.    Statement of Interest

1.1 The International Center for Law & Economics (“ICLE”) is a non-profit, non-partisan global research and policy center, devoted to building the intellectual foundations for sensible, economically grounded public policy. ICLE promotes the application and use of law and economics methodologies to inform complex judicial and regulatory debates, and possesses longstanding, well-recognised expertise in the evaluation of competition laws and policy, and their relationship with intellectual property rights. The scholars affiliated with ICLE include leading experts in competition law and economics from prominent universities and research institutions across the world.

1.2 The present appeal raises questions of significant public importance concerning the proper interpretation of fair, reasonable, and non-discriminatory (“FRAND”) obligations, the role of collective licensing platforms in the innovation ecosystem, and the appropriate scope of judicial intervention. In particular, the issue before the Supreme Court is whether “the courts of England and Wales have jurisdiction to determine disputes as to what licence terms are fair, reasonable and non-discriminatory at the request of an implementor rather than a patent owner, where the licence is offered by an intermediary as part of a pool or platform of patents?”.

2.    Executive Summary

2.1 ICLE respectfully submits that the Appellant’s attempt to extend FRAND obligations to the collective licensing rates offered by patent pools or platforms is legally unfounded, economically unsound and would generate significant adverse consequences for efficient licensing structures. As these submissions explain:

2.1.1 Judicial rate-setting for pools or platforms threatens the viability of pro-competitive licensing structures. Properly structured pools or platforms reduce transaction costs, mitigate royalty stacking, and speed licensed technology diffusion. Imposing FRAND-style obligations on these entities would increase legal uncertainty and undermine the very efficiencies they are designed to deliver, consequently risking chilling their very formation.

2.1.2 FRAND obligations are strictly bilateral and do not bind patent pools or platforms. The ETSI undertaking is a bilateral, patent-holder commitment that applies only to the individual patent owner and its affiliates. It does not extend to non-owner pool administrators, such as Avanci. Consequently, courts may, where necessary, assess FRAND at the level of individual patent owners, but there is no legal basis for imposing FRAND obligations on a pool or platform operator.

2.1.3 Implementers are not without recourse. Pools or platforms offer a voluntary, efficiency-enhancing licensing option. Implementers remain fully entitled to seek bilateral FRAND licences from individual patent owners and, if necessary, to litigate against any patentee that fails to offer FRAND terms.

2.1.4 Market forces discipline pool or platform rates. Because bilateral FRAND licensing and judicial scrutiny thereof remain available, the pool or platform’s collective licensing rate is inherently competitively disciplined. This built-in safeguard negates the need for judicial rate setting at the pool or platform level.

3.    Introduction

3.1 The Appellants, Tesla Inc. and Tesla Motors Limited (collectively, “Tesla”), urge this Court to extend the contractual obligations incumbent upon individual patent owners to encompass standard licensing rates offered by the Avanci 5G Platform, an intermediary platform over which those individual owners have no direct control.[1]

3.2 Tesla contends, in error, that because the platform offers a standard rate and it claims bilateral licensing is impracticable[2], the pool or platform licence is effectively immune from scrutiny absent proactive judicial rate-setting.[3]

3.3 ICLE respectfully submits that the Appellants’ perspective that patent pool or platform rates should be open to “scrutiny” by the Court, at the request of the implementer, fundamentally misapprehends the economic function of patent pools or platforms, the strict contractual privity of FRAND undertakings, and the market mechanisms that inherently discipline collective licensing rates. Exposing pro-competitive aggregation mechanisms, such as patent pools or platforms, to such potential litigation burdens and extra uncertainty, risks deterring companies from undertaking the creation of these highly beneficial, transaction-cost-reducing business arrangements[4].

3.4 Subjecting pool or platform operators to direct FRAND obligations (which they, themselves, never entered into)—would deter the formation and maintenance of such entities. Owners of standard-essential patents (“SEPs”) contribute their patents to a collective licensing pool or platform because they consider the expected return to be at least as favourable as the returns available through bilateral licensing, particularly when transaction costs of bilateral licensing are taken into account. Industry experience confirms that the difference is marginal, with many large portfolio holders already preferring bilateral licensing.[5] Imposing the prospect of judicial rate-setting on pool or platform operators would materially influence this marginal difference by introducing the risk that a court, at the initiative of any individual implementer, could set a collective licensing rate, which may result in a lower overall return than could be achieved through bilateral licensing.[6] This, in turn, would create meaningful uncertainty for all parties involved: SEP holders would struggle to calculate the costs and benefits of licensing via pools or platforms; pool or platform operators would face more complicated negotiations with those SEP owners (as the rate they can charge becomes more uncertain); and implementers would need to determine whether to license at the pool or platform’s market rate versus holding out in the hope of lower judicially-decided rates for the pool or platform.

3.5 Moreover, extending FRAND obligations to pool or platform operators would impose significant additional legal overhead and management costs on the very intermediaries whose raison d’être is to reduce transaction costs, thereby undermining the efficiency gains that justify pooling in the first place.[7] At the margin, prospective pool or platform operators would face heightened litigation exposure and regulatory burden, making the formation of new pools or platforms less commercially viable and discouraging SEP owners from participating in existing ones.

3.6 The application of the error-cost framework[8]—a foundational concept in modern competition law designed to maximise consumer welfare and reduce the likelihood of counterproductive regulatory interventions, legal rules and standards—is central to the analysis presented herein. There is a significant risk that extending FRAND obligations to patent pool or platform operators, rather than confining them strictly to the individual SEP owners who made the underlying contractual undertaking, may hinder efficient licensing and, therefore, innovation and consumer welfare.

3.7 ICLE therefore takes the position that the majority of the Court of Appeal correctly concluded that FRAND obligations do not unilaterally subject a non-signatory pool or platform operator to the court’s jurisdiction for collective rate-setting.

4.    The Economic Imperative to Preserve Patent Pools

4.1 As Avanci explained before the Court of Appeal, a court-declared licence and rate for the Avanci 5G Licence risks the unravelling of the platform in its entirety as “the patentees (who executed the MLMA knowing the terms of the 5G Licence) were under no obligation to stay, there was no guarantee that the patentees would continue to participate in the 5G Platform in the future. A possible outcome was that the entire 5G Platform would collapse…”.[9] It is ICLE’s position that the collapse of patent pools or platforms would carry significant downstream consequences, given the central economic role such entities play in reducing licensing frictions and enabling efficient

licensing of standardised technologies. As explained in paragraph 3.4 above, the industry would revert to bilateral licensing, thus raising costs and delaying licensing of standardised technology.

4.2 That risk must be understood against the broader economic rationale for the formation, preservation, and protection of patent pools or platforms. Academic research and empirical evidence consistently show that patent pools or platforms designed around complementary technologies, such as the Avanci 5G Platform, can solve important market frictions that might otherwise stifle downstream production and hinder the widespread licensed diffusion of standardised technologies.[10]

4.3 Standard-setting organisations (“SSOs”) develop complex technological standards that require the use of hundreds, often thousands, of complementary patented technologies. In extreme cases, this uncoordinated pricing may lead to a phenomenon known as “royalty stacking”[11], where the cumulative burden of individual royalties becomes significantly more than licensing through a pool or platforms as the number of patent holders grows.[12] By integrating the licensing functions of the complementary SEP owners, the pool or platform coordinates royalties across all contributors. That, in turn, increases joint profits of SEP owners while simultaneously lowering the aggregate royalty rate for all the patents, leading to lower overall prices for downstream implementers and ultimately consumers.[13]

4.4 Patent pools or platforms generate significant systemic efficiencies by reducing transaction costs. In the automotive sector’s transition to cellular connectivity, implementers face the prospect of obtaining licences to tens of thousands of patents held by dozens of different owners.[14] The bilateral licensing of SEPs requires extensive, multiple negotiations, the evaluation of large global portfolios, the retention of specialised technical and legal counsel. None of this is impossible or economically unviable, but it does make patent pools or platforms a highly attractive alternative option. These pools or platforms offer a comprehensive “one-stop-shop” convenience. In practical terms, the pool or platform is a commercially convenient alternative to bilateral licensing: it packages coverage that would otherwise require multiple negotiations.

4.5 Economic literature and available evidence consistently indicate substantial transaction cost savings generated by pooling arrangements, which facilitate the rapid licensing of emerging technologies into entirely new markets.[15] There is also a vast body of economic literature showing how patent pools or platforms have, throughout history, facilitated the licensed diffusion of new technologies.[16]

4.6 The pro-competitive character of properly structured patent pools or platforms is also widely recognised by policymakers. The United States Department of Justice (“DoJ”) evaluated the Avanci 5G Platform prior to its launch, issuing a Business Review Letter in July 2020 which concluded that the platform was “unlikely to harm competition”.[17] The DoJ explicitly identified the substantial transaction cost savings generated by providing a unified licensing solution for vehicle manufacturers and declined to impose its own assessment on the pool or platform rate, noting that there is no single correct way to calculate a reasonable royalty and that each patent holder would independently decide whether the pool’s terms comported with its own individual commitments.[18] In short, the experience to date suggests that properly structured pools or platforms have been highly successful at catalysing widespread licensing where the bilateral alternative would be more burdensome and costly.

5.    The Non-Transferability of FRAND Undertakings

5.1 The Appellants assert that FRAND undertakings made by individual patent owners must legally constrain the licensing offers made by the patent pool or platform.[19] This argument relies on a flawed conflation of bilateral contractual obligations with voluntary, market-driven collective licensing arrangements. Such undertakings are, however, strictly bilateral obligations binding the declarant alone and not the downstream pool or platform operator. The obligation to license SEPs on specific, encumbered terms arises from the intellectual property rights policies of SSOs and/or competition law.

5.2 In the case of the European Telecommunications Standards Institute (“ETSI”), this obligation is governed by Clause 6.1 of the institutional policy, which operates under French law as a stipulation pour autrui—a specific form of contract made by a promisor for the distinct benefit of a third-party beneficiary.[20] Under this framework, the declarant irrevocably commits to the SSO that it is prepared to grant irrevocable licences to its essential rights on specific terms to any implementer seeking to practise the standard.[21]

5.3 SSO policies are silent on the subject of patent pools or platforms and collective licensing. Clause 6.1 imposes binding legal obligations strictly on the individual declarant and its corporate affiliates.[22] As a result, there is no justiciable standard by which to evaluate a collective pool or platform rate where the FRAND obligation is with respect to a bilateral licence and rooted in ETSI clause 6.1 (a stipulation pour autrui).

5.4 Pools or platforms are not themselves bound by FRAND. There is no contractual term, statutory duty or competition-law obligation requiring a pool or platform’s rate to be FRAND, nor is there any interpretative mechanism within ETSI that extends the FRAND undertaking to licensing agents. Consequently, there is no legal basis on or criterion by which to assess a pool or platform’s rate.

5.5 A supplementary provision, Clause 6.1bis, operates to ensure that the commitment travels with the patent itself in the event of a transfer of ownership, legally binding any subsequent “successors-in-interest.”[23] However, a patent pool or platform operator is not (i) an individual declaration or a corporate affiliate of an individual declaration, nor (ii) a successor-in-interest. The pool or platform operator does not acquire legal title or equitable ownership of the underlying patents. It acts merely as a non-exclusive licensing agent possessing circumscribed authority to offer a standard portfolio licence on behalf of its contributing members.

5.6 Because the pool or platform operator functions exclusively as a licensing agent, the underlying contractual obligation remains solely vested in the individual patent owners.

5.7 Academic critiques of standard-setting frameworks have noted that existing policies do not stipulate that transferring or granting licensing authority to an agent results in the encumbrance moving with that authority.[24] Consequently, there is no basis for an implementer to claim a breach by a pool or platform operator. The pool or platform itself has made no declarations to the SSO, has signed no contracts with the organisation, and is completely unbound by the stipulation pour autrui.

5.8 The Court of Appeal’s recent judgment in Tesla v. InterDigital and Avanci reflects this position.[25] The majority concluded, correctly in ICLE’s opinion, that the FRAND undertaking does not oblige patent owners to license their portfolios on a collective basis, nor does it subject the pool or platform operator to the Court’s jurisdiction for rate-setting.[26]

5.9 Lord Justice Phillips observed that, on any sensible interpretation of the contractual arrangements with ETSI, patent owners have emphatically not agreed to license their SEPs on a collective basis with other SEP owners, whether on FRAND terms or otherwise.[27] He notes that “the undertaking clearly and distinctly creates an obligation on individual owners to licence the patent family of their declared SEPs, but it cannot be interpreted as extending to include licensing a portfolio which includes many SEPs owned by other organisations altogether”.[28]

5.10 Lady Justice Whipple forcefully reinforced this point, noting that the Master Licence Management Agreement governing patent pools or platforms explicitly separates the SEP owner’s individual undertakings from the distinct commercial deal struck to offer a packaged pool or platform licence.[29] The pool or platform represents a wholly different commercial offering, presented as an optional alternative to bilateral negotiations.

5.11 FRAND undertakings guarantee an implementer licensed access to the specific underlying technology on FRAND terms. What they do not do is guarantee implementers the right to demand a heavily discounted bulk licence from third parties under the guise of contractual enforcement. If an implementer desires the convenience of a pool or platform licence, it must accept the commercial terms offered by the pool or platform. If it desires a licence on FRAND terms, it retains the right to obtain one from the individual SEP owner.

6.    Patent Pool or Platform Rates Controlled by Market Forces

6.1 Even if the FRAND undertakings made by SEP owners were somehow applicable to patent pool or platform operators (which they are not), economic theory shows that, when bilateral licences remain available, patent pool or platform rates are continually disciplined by market forces and, therefore, highly competitive. Accordingly, there is no need for the Court to assess or set rates at the patent pool or platform level, as the Appellants urge.

6.2 Tesla maintains that Avanci’s $32 rate is not FRAND because it is offered on a non-negotiable, “take it or leave it” basis, and therefore escapes meaningful commercial negotiation.[30] However, this position is not correct, as patent pools or platforms face strong competitive pressure precisely because bilateral licensing agreements remain available, as required by the competition laws of almost all major jurisdictions.

Pools or Platforms are Substitutes for Bilateral Licensing

6.3 Because pool or platform members retain the right to license their SEPs bilaterally, the pool or platform licence and individual bilateral licensing serve as alternative routes to the same licensed access for the downstream implementer. As economic literature on strategic substitutes demonstrates, pool or platform pricing is therefore disciplined by the competitive constraint of independent licensing.[31]

6.4 In this case, an automotive manufacturer seeking the licensing necessary to implement the 5G connectivity standard can obtain it through two avenues: (i) it can purchase the comprehensive “one-stop-shop” licence from the centralised patent pool or platform, or (ii) it can invest the necessary time, capital, and administrative resources to assemble individual bilateral licences from each independent SEP owner. Because these two avenues are functional substitutes: any change in the cost, terms, or attractiveness of one necessarily affects the rates that can be negotiated for the other.

6.5 This dynamic effectively puts a practical ceiling on the price a patent pool or platform can sustainably charge. In other words, a patent pool or platform operator cannot sustainably charge a royalty rate higher than the sum of available bilateral alternatives minus the efficiency the pool or platform creates. If the pool or platform attempts to

extract a supra-competitive rate, rational licensees will seamlessly pivot to their “outside option” and negotiate individual deals with the SEP owners, who remain legally and contractually bound by their FRAND commitments to license their portfolios on FRAND terms. In a world where those SEP owners are bound to license bilaterally at FRAND rates, no patent pool or platform operator can profitably charge a rate that is not competitive.

6.6 This presumption that patent pool or platform rates are competitive is further reinforced by empirical economic research.[32] Indeed, the jointly optimal rate for the patent pool or platform is necessarily lower than the sum of the independent bilateral rates, even before accounting for transaction cost efficiencies. Empirical evidence from major pool or platform operators confirms this theoretical prediction, demonstrating that aggregate pool licensing costs can routinely be significantly lower than the aggregate cost of corresponding bilateral licences negotiated individually.[33]

Independent Licensing as a Competition Law Safeguard

6.7 Economic research demonstrates that a handful of safeguards are sufficient to ensure that pool or platform pricing remains competitive. Chief among these is the preservation of the right to independent licensing.

6.8 Because individual SEP owners maintain the absolute right to license their portfolios bilaterally, the pool or platform must present an offering that is objectively more attractive than the bilateral alternative to survive. Because the bilateral alternative is strictly governed by standard-setting obligations, the pool or platform rate is structurally and permanently capped by reference to the benchmark of the figure that would represent the aggregate of the royalties that would be paid under the bilateral licences for the patents in the pool or platform. Therefore, the pool or platform rate itself must be viewed by courts and regulators as presumptively efficient.

6.9 This simple finding is widely understood and enforced by major competition authorities around the world, who heavily scrutinise whether this vital outside option is preserved when competition authorities evaluate the formation of patent pools or platforms. Indeed, as noted in paragraph 4.6 above, in the United States, the DoJ concluded that the Avanci platform was unlikely to harm competition and identified the preservation of independent licensing as one of the primary, non-negotiable safeguards against anti-competitive effects.[34] The agency found no evidence whatsoever of agreements restricting independent licensing outside the platform, thereby allowing the strategic substitute mechanism to function freely and efficiently.[35]

6.10 From a policy standpoint, this means it is entirely sufficient for judicial review to be available only to assess whether the rates applied by individual patent owners are FRAND. Because standalone bilateral SEP licensing is a substitute for pools or platforms, potential judicial review of bilateral licensing rates is sufficient to guarantee pool or platform rates remain competitive.

6.11 In short, economic evidence demonstrates that there is no need for a court to proactively assess or dictate rates at the patent pool or platform level, as the Appellants urge the Court to do here.

7.    Addressing the Appellants’ Assertions and the Error-Cost Framework

7.1 When viewed through this legal and economic framework, the arguments advanced by the Appellants fail.

7.2 Tesla assert that they are left without recourse when faced with Avanci’s standard rate, but this alleged asymmetry is an illusion. Tesla retains the unfettered right to approach InterDigital—and every other individual SEP owner within the platform—to ask for an individual bilateral licence on FRAND terms. If an individual SEP owner refuses to negotiate, or demands an exorbitant rate, Tesla may then bring a proactive declaratory judgment action against that specific patentee. Indeed, the courts in the United Kingdom have recently confirmed that implementers can take active steps to seek out the licences they need. As the Court of Appeal held in InterDigital v Lenovo, a willing licensee “does not sit back and wait for demands from SEP licensors” but rather “takes active steps to seek out the licences that it needs.”[36] The Appellants’ refusal to utilise this alternative bilateral avenue does not generate the right to force a judicial rate-setting exercise upon the entire voluntary pool or platform. As the majority in the Court of Appeal correctly recognised, there is simply no recognised legal standard against which the pool or platform’s collective rate can be judged[37].

7.3 Furthermore, the non-negotiability of a pool or platform’s published rate is not an indicator of market abuse or evasion of commercial norms; it is a necessary feature of transaction-cost economics. Avanci achieves system-wide efficiencies precisely by offering a standardised, “one-size-fits-all” commercial package. Requiring Avanci to negotiate bespoke, individualised rates potentially with every single implementer would significantly reduce the transaction-cost savings the platform was created to achieve and hence potentially defeat Avanci’s value proposition.

7.4 Ultimately, accepting the Appellants’ arguments could risk imposing significant costs on the global innovation economy. Subjecting a voluntary patent pool or platform to the prospect of global judicial rate-setting based on the flawed premise that a non-negotiable uniform rate is somehow inherently suspicious represents a severe false positive. It improperly infers anti-competitive harm from conduct that is provably pro-competitive. As explained throughout these submissions, the formation of patent pools or platforms (i) reduces the threat of royalty stacking and (ii) saves on transaction costs, which accelerates the diffusion of licensed standard-essential technologies. Because the patent pool or platform lacks market power—owing to the constant competitive discipline imposed by independent bilateral licensing—there is no economic justification for subjecting them to the prospect of judicial rate-setting.

7.5 The error-cost framework teaches that false positives in antitrust—interventions that burden pro-competitive conduct—are particularly costly because they are largely irreversible. Markets can self-correct against under-enforcement, but cannot recreate efficient arrangements once the prospect of judicial intervention has deterred them from forming.[38] Establishing a precedent that potentially subjects pool or platform rates to FRAND adjudication would create a permanent litigation overhang that depresses pool or platform formation. The Appellants’ position thus invites the kind of irreversible institutional change the error-cost framework is designed to guard against—one whose principal casualties would be the very implementers and consumers who benefit from efficient collective licensing.

7.6 Penalising an efficient patent pool or platform by potentially subjecting its standard rate to protracted litigation (often involving multiple jurisdictions) undermines the vital incentive structures that encourage intellectual property holders to aggregate their complementary technologies in the first place. If pool or platform operators face the constant threat of having their meticulously balanced, standardised rates rewritten by courts at the behest of individual implementers, the incentive to form these pools or platforms will be significantly weakened.

7.7 Patent pools or platforms are vital, market-based, solutions. Regulating them through an overly rigid application of bilateral standard-setting obligations threatens to dismantle these aggregations. Attempts by the Appellants artificially to expand jurisdiction to capture patent pool or platform operators must therefore be firmly rejected.

[1] See Tesla’s Grounds of Appeal ¶¶8, 17-27 (UKSC/2025/0058); Tesla, Inc. v. IDAC Holdings, Inc. [2025] EWCA Civ 193 (“CA Judgment”), ¶¶ 9–11, 95(Arnold LJ).

[2] CA Judgment ¶¶2, 95 –“… Tesla allege that, as a matter of commercial reality, the only licence of UK SEPs covered by the Avanci 5G Platform which can be FRAND is a global platform licence of the kind offered by Avanci as agent for the SEP owners because negotiating bilateral licences with more than 65 SEP owners is impracticable. Tesla also allege that, in reality even if not formally, most members of the Avanci 5G Platform rely upon the availability of a licence under that platform as fulfilling their FRAND obligations.”

[3] See Tesla’s Written Case ¶¶8, 11.

[4] Avanci’s Skeleton Argument before the Court of Appeal (CA-2024-001749) (“Avanci CoA Skeleton”), ¶2 – “… Avanci arrived at the pricing and other terms of the 5G Licence after extensive discussions with potential licensors and licensees, with a view to devising an optional joint licence that would be commercially attractive to the majority of SEP holders and the majority of automobile manufacturers.”

[5] Josh Lerner & Jean Tirole, Efficient Patent Pools, 94 Am. Econ. Rev. 691 (2004); Gustav Brismark, Mattia Fogliacco, Carter Eltzroth, Matteo Sabattini & Richard Vary, Overview of SEPs, FRAND Licensing and Patent Pools, Les Nouvelles 57 (Mar. 2023).

[6] The most instructive empirical analogy is the 2015 revision to IEEE’s patent policy, which restricted SEP owners’ access to injunctive relief and narrowed the definition of reasonable royalty rates. Following that change, negative Letters of Assurance—in which patent owners declined to commit to licensing on RAND terms—rose to 77% of all Wi-Fi LOAs filed between January 2016 and June 2019. The DOJ itself subsequently urged IEEE to reconsider whether changes were needed to promote full participation in standard-setting, and IEEE reversed the key elements of the 2015 policy in 2022. U.S. Dep’t of Justice, Supplement to the Business Review Letter to IEEE (Sept. 10, 2020); David L. Cohen, The IEEE 2015 Patent Policy—A Natural Experiment in Devaluing Technology (2019). The lesson from that policy intervention may have relevance in this case, where the expected returns to SEP owners from a particular licensing channel may be reduced, leading to those owners redirecting their patents elsewhere.

[7] Giuseppe Colangelo, Finding an Efficiency-Oriented Approach to Scrutinize the Essentiality of SEPs: A Survey, 18 J. Intell. Prop. L. & Prac. 502 (2023) (emphasising that assessments imposed on pooling arrangements must avoid excessive costs that could discourage participation in the licensing process).

[8] See Frank H. Easterbrook, The Limits of Antitrust, 63 Tex. L. Rev. 1 (1984). The error-cost framework was further developed in the US Supreme Court’s antitrust jurisprudence. See Brooke Grp. Ltd. v. Brown & Williamson Tobacco Corp., 509 U.S. 209 (1993); Verizon Commc’ns Inc. v. Law Offices of Curtis V. Trinko, LLP, 540 U.S. 398, 414 (2004).

[9] Avanci CoA Skeleton, ¶9.

[10] Ashish Arora, Andrea Fosfuri & Alfonso Gambardella, Markets for Technology: The Economics of Innovation and Corporate Strategy (MIT Press 2001) (demonstrating that technology licensing markets enable specialisation between upstream innovators and downstream producers, accelerating the rate of technological change); Daniel F. Spulber, How Patents Provide the Foundation of the Market for Inventions, 11 J. Competition L. & Econ. 271 (2015) (providing evidence that patent licensing facilitates technology transfer and that well-functioning markets for intellectual property are essential to the diffusion of innovation); David J. Teece, Profiting from Technological Innovation: Implications for Integration, Collaboration, Licensing and Public Policy, 15 Research Pol’y 285 (1986) (establishing that the ability to appropriate returns through licensing is a central determinant of firms’ incentives to invest in R&D). For evidence that inefficient licensing directly harms innovation incentives, see Bowman Heiden & Justus Baron, The Economic Impact of Patent Holdout, 38 Harv. J.L. & Tech. 638 (2024); Kirti Gupta & Urška Petrovčič, Evidence of Systematic “Patent Holdout”, 38 Berkeley Tech. L.J. 575 (2023).

[11] As Galetovic, Haber, and Levine have demonstrated, the predicted consequences of royalty stacking—stagnant quality-adjusted prices and suppressed innovation—have failed to materialise in SEP-reliant industries. To the contrary, industries heavily reliant on SEPs, such as smartphones, personal computers, and audio-visual equipment, exhibit the fastest quality-adjusted price declines in the U.S. economy. See Alexander Galetovic, Stephen Haber & Ross Levine, An Empirical Examination of Patent Holdup, 11 J. Competition L. & Econ. 549, 551 (2015). Similarly, Auer and Morris have argued that the standardisation ecosystem is characterised by emergent private-ordering mechanisms—including FRAND undertakings, repeat interactions among participants in SSOs, inter-platform competition among SDOs, and, crucially here, patent pools or platforms. These mechanisms substantially mitigate the scope for the opportunistic pricing. These institutional safeguards mean that individual SEP owners rarely, if ever, behave as unconstrained independent monopolists. See Dirk Auer & Julian Morris, Governing the Patent Commons, 38 Cardozo Arts & Ent. L.J. 291 (2020). See also Justus Baron et al., Empirical Assessment of Potential Challenges in SEP Licensing (European Commission 2023) (finding no discernible evidence that patent owners are systematically overcharging implementers or that FRAND disputes are undermining innovation and standard adoption).

[12] Mark A. Lemley and Carl Shapiro, Patent Holdup and Royalty Stacking, 85 Texas Law Review 1991 (2007); Carl Shapiro, Navigating the Patent Thicket: Cross Licenses, Patent Pools, and Standard Setting, in 1 Innovation Policy and the Economy 119 (2001), at 121–25.

[13] Lerner & Tirole, supra footnote 5, at 696 (Proposition 1 shows that a pool of complementary patents reduces aggregate royalties while increasing total licensor profits).

[14] CA Judgment, ¶1, 18 (noting over 65 SEP owners together owning more than 170,000 SEPs declared to the 5G standard on the Avanci 5G Platform).

[15] Robert P. Merges & Michael Mattioli, Measuring the Costs and Benefits of Patent Pools, 78 Ohio St. L.J. 281 (2017) (presenting the first empirically-based estimate of pool or platform transaction cost savings and finding that pools or platforms can save hundreds of millions of dollars relative to bilateral licensing counterfactuals); see also Statement of Facts and Issues, ¶¶11–12 (noting the rapid adoption of the Avanci 5G Platform by more than 65 SEP owners and 31 vehicle manufacturers); CA Judgment, ¶95 (Arnold LJ recording Avanci counsel’s observation of a “stark difference” between the orderly licensing Avanci achieved in the automotive sector and the “licensing debacle” in the mobile phone sector where no comparable pool exists).

[16] Gavin Clarkson and Joshua Newberg, Blunt Machetes in the Patent Thicket: Modern Lesson from the History of Patent Pool Litigation in the United States Between 1900–1970, 22 Journal of Technology Law & Policy 1 (2017); Adam Mossoff, The Rise and Fall of the First American Patent Thicket: The Sewing Machine War of the 1850s, 53 Arizona Law Review 165 (2011); Richard J. Gilbert, Antitrust for Patent Pools: A Century of Policy Evolution, Stanford Technology Law Review 3 (2004).

[17] U.S. Department of Justice, Business Review Letter Re: Avanci 5G Platform (28 July 2020) at 2-3 (“DoJ Business Review Letter”) – “After soliciting input from a range of stakeholders in the automotive and telecommunications industries, including potential licensors and licensees, conducting an independent review, and considering our prior guidance and reviews of other patent pools, we conclude that, on balance, Avanci’s proposed 5G Platform is unlikely to harm competition.”.

[18] Id. at 21 – “There is no single correct way to calculate a reasonable royalty in the FRAND context.”

[19] See Tesla’s Grounds of Appeal, ¶¶16–18.

[20] CA Judgment, ¶ 9.

[21] ETSI, Intellectual Property Rights Policy, cl. 6.1.

[22] Id.

[23] ETSI, Intellectual Property Rights Policy, cl. 6.1bis.

[24] See Jorge L. Contreras, A Brief History of FRAND: Analyzing Current Debates in Standard-Setting and Antitrust Through a Historical Lens, 80 Antitrust L.J. 39, 67–68 (2015).

[25] See CA Judgment, ¶222–242 (Phillips LJ), ¶243–255 (Whipple LJ).

[26] Id. ¶228–231, 248–251.

[27] Id. ¶228.

[28] Id.

[29] Id. ¶249.

[30] CA Judgment, ¶2 – “Tesla complain that Avanci has only offered a flat rate of $32 per vehicle for such a licence on a non-negotiable basis. Tesla contend that this rate far exceeds a FRAND rate.”; Tesla’s Written Case ¶5.2 – “The members were, according to the evidence, presented with the rate on a “take it or leave it” basis.”

[31] Jeremy I. Bulow, John D. Geanakoplos & Paul D. Klemperer, Multimarket Oligopoly: Strategic Substitutes and Complements, 93 J. Pol. Econ. 488 (1985) (establishing the foundational framework for analysing strategic substitutes in oligopoly settings).

[32] See Merges & Mattioli, supra footnote 15.

[33] Id.

[34] DoJ Business Review Letter at 11–13.

[35] Id. at 13.

[36] InterDigital Technology Corp v Lenovo Group Ltd [2024] RPC 24, ¶205.

[37] CA Judgment, ¶235.

[38] Frank H. Easterbrook, The Limits of Antitrust, 63 Tex. L. Rev. 1, 2–3, 15 (1984).

Source: Supreme Court of the United Kingdom

Amicus Brief

ICLE Comments to the European Commission on GDPR and ePrivacy in the Digital Omnibus

Executive Summary We thank the European Commission for the opportunity to comment on data-privacy provisions of the Digital Omnibus. ICLE is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research . . .

Executive Summary

We thank the European Commission for the opportunity to comment on data-privacy provisions of the Digital Omnibus. ICLE is a nonprofit, nonpartisan research centre that applies law & economics analysis to technology governance, competition, and consumer-protection policy. Our interest is to ensure that the EU’s digital rulebook advances consumer welfare and innovation through clear, predictable, and proportionate rules grounded in evidence and sound economics.

The Commission’s Digital Omnibus proposal (COM(2025)837) moves in the right direction. It recognises that the GDPR and the ePrivacy framework have become harder to apply, less predictable to enforce, and increasingly detached from technological reality. The proposal therefore deserves broad support. It would make the law more workable in several important respects, particularly by clarifying the definition of personal data and confirming that legitimate interest can support AI development subject to safeguards.

The package nevertheless remains incomplete. Its ePrivacy reforms are too cautious to resolve the cookie-banner problem, and the proposal does not address the deeper institutional dynamics that helped create the current dysfunction. The same authorities that expanded the scope of existing rules, and interpreted exemptions narrowly, will interpret the new ones. Without enforcement reform, textual simplification alone will deliver only part of the promised benefit.

ICLE’s position can be summarised in four propositions.

First, the entity-relative definition of personal data should be adopted. The proposed amendment to Article 4(1) reflects the CJEU’s recognition in EDPS v SRB that pseudonymised data are not personal data for every actor in every circumstance. It also follows the longstanding logic of Recital 26, which asks whether identification is reasonably likely in practice. A workable legal system should not impose the full weight of the GDPR on an entity that cannot realistically identify the person concerned. The amendment would improve legal certainty, strengthen incentives for pseudonymisation and data minimisation, and help arrest the drift toward treating the GDPR as a ‘law of everything’. The co-legislators should adopt the amendment and retain Article 41a, while clarifying that implementing acts create a rebuttable presumption of non-identifiability for the relevant entity.

Second, the AI provisions are welcome and necessary. Article 88c would confirm that the development and operation of AI systems may rely on legitimate interest, subject to safeguards and an unconditional right to object. That clarification is needed. The EDPB has acknowledged that legitimate interest may apply, but it has done so in terms that preserve maximum enforcement discretion and leave controllers without meaningful certainty. Legislation is the appropriate vehicle for resolving this question. Article 9(2)(k), which addresses residual special-category data in training datasets, is also directionally sound. It recognises a technical reality: large-scale training datasets cannot be purified with perfect ex ante accuracy, and the law should require proportionate safeguards rather than impossible guarantees. The legislature should therefore adopt these provisions rather than defer to non-binding guidance.

Third, the cookie and ePrivacy reforms do not go far enough. The Commission correctly diagnoses consent fatigue and the failure of endless cookie banners, but the proposed solution in Articles 88a and 88b remains too narrow. By moving personal-data processing into the GDPR while leaving non-personal terminal-equipment data under Article 5(3) of the ePrivacy Directive, the proposal creates a two-regime structure that is legally awkward and likely to produce perverse incentives. The audience-measurement exemption is too narrow to cover common analytics arrangements, and the package omits low-risk exemptions for fraud detection, basic advertising measurement, frequency capping, and similar functions. Browser-based consent signals may also become a one-way ratchet if regulators accept automated refusals broadly but reject automated opt-ins as insufficiently specific. The co-legislators should broaden the exemptions, resolve the two-regime problem, and ensure that automated signals operate in both directions.

Fourth, enforcement reform is the missing piece. The strongest substantive provisions in the Digital Omnibus will underperform if they are interpreted by institutions with structural incentives to maximise the scope of data-protection law and minimise legislative constraint. In practice, the EDPB’s guidelines and opinions already function as quasi-legislation, yet the most influential of those instruments remain difficult to challenge and lack meaningful ex ante accountability. The same dynamic appears in the objections raised against the Omnibus itself. The Commission acknowledges the need for more consistent and harmonised enforcement but proposes no mechanism capable of delivering it. ICLE therefore urges the co-legislators to treat enforcement reform as a parallel priority—whether through a dedicated roadmap, mandatory proportionality assessments for EDPB outputs, stronger consultation requirements, or more ambitious institutional reform that separates investigation from adjudication and creates an independent multidisciplinary tribunal for consequential cross-border cases.

I. Clarifying the Definition of Personal Data (Art. 4(1) and Art. 41a)

A. The Commission’s Proposed Clarification

The Commission proposes amending Article 4(1) GDPR to clarify that information does not constitute personal data for a given entity where that entity cannot identify the natural person to whom the information relates, taking into account the means reasonably likely to be used by that entity.[1]

The proposal also introduces a new Article 41a. This provision would empower the Commission, in close cooperation with the European Data Protection Board (EDPB), to adopt implementing acts specifying technical criteria for determining when pseudonymised data no longer constitute personal data for certain entities.[2]

Together, these provisions move the GDPR toward an entity-relative concept of identifiability, grounded in realistic identification risk.

B. Why the Definition Matters

In practice, the GDPR has increasingly operated as a ‘law of everything’ in the digital economy.[3] Data protection authorities and activist organisations frequently advocate extremely broad readings of ‘personal data’. Under those interpretations, any pseudonymous identifier capable of singling out a user qualifies as personal data, even where the controller has no realistic means of identifying the individual behind it.[4]

This interpretation extends the GDPR’s obligations far beyond the circumstances the regulation was designed to address. The GDPR’s safeguards were built for situations in which individuals can be identified and therefore face concrete risks. When the same obligations apply to processing that presents no realistic identification risk, the regulatory framework becomes misaligned with the harms it aims to prevent.

The consequences are tangible. Compliance costs reach levels the Commission itself estimates at roughly EUR 5 billion annually.[5] More importantly, the legal framework strains under the pressure of applying identification-based rules to non-identifiable data. Organisations must choose between nominal compliance and genuine data protection.

Recent CJEU case law has begun to correct this trajectory. In European Data Protection Supervisor v Single Resolution Board, the Grand Chamber rejected the claim that pseudonymised data constitute personal data ‘in all cases and for every person’.[6] Identifiability, the Court held, ‘depends, in essence, on the circumstances of the processing of the data in each individual case’.[7] The Court expressly rejected the EDPS’s position—the position supported by the EDPB as intervener—that pseudonymised data must always be treated as personal data for every actor.[8]

ICLE previously noted that the original Digital Omnibus consultation omitted any reform of the GDPR’s personal-data definition, representing a significant missed opportunity.[9] Now that the Commission has proposed such reform, the central policy question is how to secure the benefits of a workable definition rather than allowing the initiative to be diluted through restrictive interpretation.

The definition matters. Yet clarifying the definition alone may not suffice if enforcement structures remain unchanged. Section IV returns to this point.

C. The Constitutional Case for a Realistic Identifiability Standard

Some critics argue that the proposed definition conflicts with Article 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which protects the right to ‘protection of personal data’.[10] Noyb contends that because Article 8 CFR refers to the definition in Directive 95/46, the legislature ‘has no powers to change the definition of “personal data” to encompass less than the understanding of Directive 95/46’.[11]

That argument is difficult to sustain.

Article 8 protects personal data, but the Charter does not itself define identifiability in operational terms. The Charter’s Explanations state that Article 8 is based on Directive 95/46 and Regulation 45/2001. That reference does not constitutionalise the broadest possible interpretation of the Directive beyond legislative clarification.[12]

Directive 95/46 already incorporated a contextual identifiability standard. Recital 26 required consideration of ‘all the means likely reasonably to be used’ to identify a person.[13] The CJEU relied directly on that formulation in Breyer. The Court asked whether combining a dynamic IP address with ISP-held data constituted a means ‘which may likely reasonably be used’ to identify the data subject. Identification would not be reasonably likely where it was ‘prohibited by law or practically impossible’ or where it required disproportionate effort in time, cost, or manpower, such that ‘the risk of identification appears in reality to be insignificant’.[14]

A legislative clarification built around realistic identifiability therefore remains within the Charter’s constitutional framework. Article 52(1) CFR expressly allows proportionate limitations that pursue legitimate aims and respect the essence of fundamental rights. The proposed amendment preserves the essence of Article 8—personal data remain protected—while calibrating the trigger for protection. Data qualify as personal data when a given entity can realistically identify the individual concerned.

Advocate General Spielmann framed the point succinctly in SRB:

It seems to me disproportionate to impose on an entity, which could not reasonably identify the data subjects, obligations arising from [the GDPR].[15]

Proportionality analysis must run in both directions. Article 52(1) CFR requires that limitations of fundamental rights be proportionate. Overbroad interpretations of personal data also constrain other fundamental rights, including the freedom to conduct a business (Article 16 CFR) and the freedom of the arts and sciences (Article 13 CFR).

The question therefore runs in both directions. One may ask whether narrowing the personal-data definition disproportionately limits data protection. One must also ask whether treating pseudonymised data as personal data for every entity, regardless of realistic identification risk, disproportionately restricts the rights of those who process such data.

The EDPB and EDPS Joint Opinion addresses only the first question. Its proportionality analysis tests whether limitations on data protection are justified, but it does not examine whether the scope of data protection itself remains proportionate to the burdens it imposes. That asymmetry leaves the analysis incomplete.

D. CJEU Case Law Supports the Commission’s Approach

The Joint Opinion argues that the proposal introduces ‘significant changes that go beyond the stated aim of introducing “targeted” or “technical” amendments’.[16] Even if the proposal extends beyond mere codification, that does not present a constitutional problem. Courts interpret existing law; legislatures clarify and recalibrate legal standards within constitutional limits.

The EDPB further claims the proposal extracts ‘only a single element from a single case’ without the surrounding doctrinal context.[17] Noyb cites several CJEU decisions as contradicting the proposal.[18] On closer examination, those cases largely support an entity-relative interpretation of identifiability.

A recurring problem in the objections is doctrinal conflation. Decisions addressing whether information ‘relates to’ a person, or discussing the breadth of ‘any information’, are treated as though they resolve the separate question of whether a person is identifiable to a given entity.

1. Breyer

Breyer establishes the objective ‘reasonable means’ standard reflected in the proposal. The Court did not hold that theoretical identification suffices. Instead, it asked whether combining a dynamic IP address with ISP-held information constituted a means ‘which may likely reasonably be used’ to identify the data subject. Identification would not qualify where it was legally prohibited or required disproportionate effort such that ‘the risk of identification appears in reality to be insignificant’.[19]

The IP address counted as personal data because legal channels existed allowing the media service provider to obtain the necessary information through public authorities.[20] Noyb’s reliance on paragraph 48 to argue that ‘the possibility was sufficient’ omits the Court’s conditioning analysis.[21]

2. Nowak

Nowak concerns a different element of the definition. The Court explained that information ‘relates to’ a person where its content, purpose, or effect links it to that individual.[22] Exam answers qualified because they reflected the candidate’s knowledge, served the purpose of evaluating that candidate, and affected the candidate’s rights.

That reasoning clarifies the ‘relating to’ limb of personal data. It does not address pseudonymisation or identifiability by downstream actors.

3. Nacionalinis

Nacionalinis holds that pseudonymised data remain personal data where they can be attributed to a natural person through additional information.[23] This would defeat any proposal categorically excluding pseudonymised data.

The decision does not answer the more precise question later addressed in SRB: for which actor, in which context, and using which realistically available means is the individual identifiable?

4. Pankki

Pankki emphasises that ‘any information’ reflects the legislature’s intent to give the concept of personal data a wide scope.[24] The judgment simultaneously recalls Recital 26’s requirement to consider ‘all the means reasonably likely to be used’ to identify the person.[25]

Breadth applies only after the identifiability threshold has been crossed.

5. IAB Europe

In IAB Europe, the Court held that a TC String may constitute personal data where combining it with other identifiers allows identification.[26] The analysis turned on the fact that the TC String forms part of an ecosystem designed for combination with other identifiers and downstream actors.

The Court emphasised systemic identifiability rather than abstract possibility. The case therefore concerns a technical architecture designed to enable identification.

6. OC (OLAF)

OC addressed whether statements in an OLAF press release enabled the public to identify the individual concerned by combining them with online information.[27] SRB cited the case for precisely that proposition.[28]

At the same time, SRB also relied on OC to reiterate that identification is not reasonably likely where legal or practical constraints make the risk insignificant.

The case illustrates a mosaic scenario: identifiability arises because a sufficiently specific bundle of attributes is released into an environment where cross-referencing is reasonably likely.

The Omnibus proposal’s third sentence reflects that logic. Information does not become personal data for an entity ‘merely because’ a potential recipient possesses identification means. Where a controller intentionally designs disclosure for identifiable recipients, the data remain personal for the controller as well.[29]

Taken together, the case law supports the Commission’s direction more than critics acknowledge.

E. The Third Sentence and Indirect Identifiability

The proposal’s third sentence raises a narrower technical question. In SRB, the Court held that when data are made available to a recipient who possesses identification means, those data may become personal data both for the recipient and indirectly for the transmitting entity.[30]

Scania reaches a similar conclusion: data become personal data for the manufacturer ‘indirectly’ when it provides them to independent operators capable of identification.[31]

The Joint Opinion interprets the proposal as severing this indirect responsibility. That reading overlooks the qualifier ‘merely because’. Where a controller designs a data flow for recipients with identification means, the data remain personal data for the controller.

The Joint Opinion’s alternative interpretation creates a deeper problem. If data become personal for Entity A whenever any downstream recipient could identify the individual, the entity-relative approach becomes meaningless. In modern data ecosystems, some downstream actor will almost always possess identification capabilities. Pseudonymised data would therefore remain personal data in practice for every actor in the chain—the very result SRB rejected.

The sentence could benefit from clearer drafting. The underlying principle, however, remains sound.

F. Making the Entity-Relative Test Work in Practice

The entity-relative test functions as a design incentive. Organisations that structure systems to prevent identification benefit from reduced regulatory obligations. Organisations that retain identification capabilities remain fully subject to the GDPR.

The standard already exists in EU law. Recital 26 GDPR refers to ‘all the means reasonably likely to be used’, including objective factors such as costs, time, and available technology. The Omnibus proposal moves this standard from interpretive guidance into operative text, strengthening legal certainty.

Noyb argues that the proposal creates ‘major uncertainty’.[32] Taken seriously, that argument would undermine the existing Recital 26 standard on which the GDPR already relies.

1. Burden of proof

Advocate General Spielmann proposed a workable burden-of-proof framework. Controllers seeking to rely on non-identifiability must demonstrate, through factual evidence, that their technical and organisational measures prevent identification.[33] Once the controller meets that burden, the regulator may show why those measures are insufficient.[34]

This structure provides supervisory authorities with a clear enforcement pathway. Controllers must demonstrate—not merely assert—that internal separation of roles, technical safeguards, and contractual arrangements genuinely prevent re-identification.

2. Singling out vs identification

Some critics argue that the ability to single out a device or session necessarily implies identifiability. Recital 26 itself distinguishes these concepts. A controller may distinguish a device or browser session without attributing that information to an identified natural person.

Identification requires the ability to attribute data to a natural person and to distinguish that individual from others in a way that enables action directed at that person.[35]

3. Information asymmetry

Noyb argues that the entity-relative approach creates a ‘chicken-and-egg problem’: regulators and data subjects cannot determine whether data are personal without access to the controller’s internal systems.[36]

This concern exists under current law as well. Article 11(1) GDPR already recognises situations in which controllers cannot identify data subjects and adjusts obligations accordingly.[37] The proposal does not create the problem. It clarifies how it should be assessed.

4. Guarding against strategic ignorance

Stalla-Bourdillon warns that the entity-specific test could ‘reward willful blindness’, allowing companies to avoid learning about re-identification risks.[38]

The GDPR already contains safeguards against that behaviour. Article 11(1) does not allow controllers to avoid awareness deliberately. The ‘means reasonably likely to be used’ standard includes methods the entity should reasonably know about. Recital 26 requires assessment of available technology, not merely subjective knowledge.

5. Distributional effects

Noyb argues that the proposal benefits large technology firms while leaving SMEs subject to the GDPR.[39] This framing treats data protection reform as primarily redistributive.

In practice, any entity processing pseudonymised data that it cannot re-identify benefits from the clarification. Research institutions, health-data intermediaries, analytics providers, and SMEs that receive aggregated datasets all fall into this category.

More importantly, the proposal creates correct incentives. Organisations that design systems to avoid identification receive regulatory benefits. That aligns with the GDPR’s data-minimisation principle.

G. Who Should Define Personal Data?

The EDPB and EDPS treat the proposed amendments to Article 4(1) and Article 41a as the most serious problem in the Digital Omnibus package.[40] Their recommendation is categorical: remove the amendment[41] and rely instead on forthcoming EDPB guidance on pseudonymisation and anonymisation.[42]

This proposal highlights a structural problem in EU data-protection governance. Allowing the enforcement authority to determine the scope of the law it enforces creates an inherent conflict of interest.[43]

EDPB guidelines are formally non-binding. In practice, they operate as quasi-legislation. They shape national supervisory authority enforcement, guide market behaviour, and prove extremely difficult to challenge judicially.

Recent CJEU confirmation that binding EDPB decisions are subject to direct judicial review only underscores the accountability gap.[44] Guidelines that remain formally non-binding but practically determinative receive far less judicial scrutiny.

The Joint Opinion illustrates this problem. It asserts that the proposal would ‘adversely affect’ fundamental rights but offers no empirical evidence, enforcement modelling, or quantitative analysis supporting that claim.

Implementing acts adopted under Article 41a would provide greater accountability. They require formal Commission adoption, EDPB consultation, comitology oversight, and judicial review under Article 263 TFEU.

The Joint Opinion correctly notes one drafting ambiguity. It asks whether implementing acts would create a rebuttable presumption of non-identifiability or merely constitute one factor among others.[45] That is a fair concern.

The co-legislators should clarify that compliance with implementing-act criteria creates a rebuttable presumption that pseudonymised data do not constitute personal data for the relevant entity.

H. Recommendations

1. Adopt the Article 4(1) amendment

The entity-relative definition of personal data represents the most important improvement in the proposal. It aligns with SRB, Breyer, and Recital 26 GDPR. It creates appropriate incentives for pseudonymisation and data minimisation, and it prevents further expansion of the GDPR into a ‘law of everything’.

2. Clarify the third sentence

The text should explicitly preserve the principle that when a controller designs a data flow for recipients with identification means, the data remain personal data for the controller. The phrase ‘merely because’ likely preserves this principle, but the drafting should be tested against the Scania and OC scenarios.

3. Adopt Article 41a with a rebuttable presumption

Implementing acts adopted with EDPB consultation and comitology oversight provide greater accountability than EDPB-only guidance. Compliance with implementing-act criteria should create a rebuttable presumption of non-identifiability.

4. Do not delegate this issue solely to the EDPB

Leaving the question to EDPB guidance would preserve the institutional status quo that ICLE has repeatedly identified as the central structural weakness in EU data-protection governance.

II. AI and the GDPR (Art. 88c and Art. 9(2)(k))

A. The Commission’s Proposed Amendments

The Commission proposes two new provisions addressing the legal framework for AI development under the GDPR.

Article 88c clarifies that processing personal data in the context of the ‘development and operation’ of an AI system or AI model may rely on legitimate interests within the meaning of Article 6(1)(f) GDPR, provided the controller implements appropriate technical and organisational safeguards.[46] These safeguards include data minimisation during source selection and training, protection against disclosure of residually retained data, enhanced transparency, respect for machine-readable opt-out signals, and an unconditional right to object.[47]

Article 9(2)(k) introduces a limited derogation from the prohibition on processing special categories of personal data.[48] The derogation applies where such data appear residually in AI training, testing, or validation datasets.[49] Controllers must implement effective measures to avoid processing special categories, remove such data once identified, and—where removal would require disproportionate effort—ensure the data cannot be used to produce outputs or disclosed to third parties.

Together, these provisions address two structural challenges in applying the GDPR to AI development: uncertainty over the lawful basis for training models at scale and the practical inevitability that large-scale datasets will contain some amount of special-category data.

B. Legislative Clarification Is Necessary

The legal basis for AI training in the EU remains unsettled. EDPB Opinion 28/2024 acknowledges that legitimate interest may support AI model training, but the Opinion frames that possibility in language designed to preserve maximum enforcement discretion.[50] It recognises the possibility while leaving the balancing test so open-ended that compliance remains uncertain.

The result is a regulatory environment defined by ambiguity. Companies training AI models in the EU operate under a continuing risk of enforcement action—not because the law clearly prohibits their activities, but because the enforcer has declined to clarify whether they are permitted.

This ambiguity reflects a regulatory choice. As ICLE observed in its October 2025 submission, the EDPB’s approach illustrates a structural problem in EU data protection governance: ‘lengthy compliance measures without guarantees’, combined with ‘a threat of discretionary enforcement’ that ‘chills investment and innovation at the margins’.[51]

National supervisory authorities have already reached divergent conclusions. CNIL’s AI guidance demonstrates that balanced enforcement is possible. It provides concrete recommendations on dataset selection, pseudonymisation, and safeguards that give controllers a workable compliance framework.[52] One or two national authorities, however, cannot establish EU-wide legal certainty.[53]

The EDPB’s Joint Opinion argues that Article 88c is unnecessary because the EDPB Opinion on AI models already recognises legitimate interest as a potential legal basis.[54] This reasoning misunderstands the role of legislation. An enforcer’s non-binding opinion—revisable or withdrawable at any time—cannot substitute for a binding legislative rule.

Legislation exists precisely to define legal standards that cannot be altered at the enforcer’s discretion. Suggesting that an enforcer’s acknowledgement of a legal possibility renders legislation unnecessary inverts the constitutional relationship between legislature and enforcer.[55]

This pattern appears repeatedly in the Joint Opinion. On the definition of personal data, the EDPB argues that forthcoming pseudonymisation guidance should replace legislative amendment.[56] On DPIAs, it seeks exclusive control over relevant lists.[57] On breach-notification templates, it proposes to ‘prepare and approve’ them without Commission oversight.[58]

The cumulative picture is of an institution seeking to maximise its interpretive authority while minimising legislative and executive supervision. Article 88c is necessary precisely because it subjects the legal framework for AI training to democratic decision-making rather than leaving it to an enforcer whose institutional incentive is to preserve maximum discretion.

C. Legitimate Interest Is the Only Scalable Lawful Basis

The GDPR establishes no hierarchy among lawful bases. The EDPB itself has confirmed this.[59] Framing the debate over AI training as a choice between consent (proper) and legitimate interest (second-best) therefore misrepresents the legal framework.[60]

The relevant question is which lawful basis is proportionate and workable for training AI systems at internet scale. For three reasons, the answer is legitimate interest.

1. Consent does not scale

Large language models are trained on vast datasets drawn from publicly available internet sources. Obtaining informed, specific consent from every individual whose information appears in those sources is operationally impossible.

Even when controllers rely on first-party datasets, the scale of training data—often billions of documents—makes individual consent impracticable. Consent also carries a right of withdrawal under Article 7(3), which is difficult to operationalise once data have been incorporated into model training.

This mismatch between consent’s architecture and AI training’s operational reality does not justify prohibiting the technology.

2. Legitimate interest already includes a right to object

Critics argue that relying on legitimate interest ‘shifts the burden to 450 million Europeans’.[61] This framing overlooks how the GDPR already operates. Legitimate interest with a right to object is a standard mechanism under the Regulation. Direct marketing provides the clearest example under Article 21(2).

Article 88c actually strengthens data-subject protections. The provision creates an unconditional right to object that does not require individuals to demonstrate ‘grounds relating to his or her particular situation’, as Article 21(1) normally requires.[62]

Requiring consent for every publicly available data point would instead entrench incumbents that already possess large datasets while preventing new entrants from assembling training data retrospectively.

3. The search engine analogy

Generative AI occupies a developmental stage comparable to search engines in the late 1990s. Early search engines indexed publicly available web content without obtaining prior consent from every website author or individual referenced online.

If maximalist interpretations of data protection law had prevailed at that time—treating indexed pages as personal data requiring consent before processing—search engines would never have emerged.

The CJEU instead developed a balanced framework. In Google Spain, the Court recognised that operating a search engine constitutes a legitimate interest, subject to balancing against the rights of data subjects.[63] In GC and Others, the Court accepted that search engines cannot exercise systematic ex ante control over all indexed content, including sensitive data.[64] The Court endorsed a notice-and-takedown model rather than requiring prior filtering.

Advocate General Szpunar emphasised the ‘impracticality’ of requiring systematic ex ante monitoring of content encountered at internet scale.[65]

AI training faces the same structural challenge. The objective of training is to identify statistical patterns and predict plausible outputs, not to retrieve or disclose specific personal data.[66] Individual data points become diluted within extremely large datasets and rarely exert a ‘measurable influence’ on model outputs.

The Cologne Higher Regional Court highlighted this distinction, explaining that AI systems ‘cannot be equated with a “data archive”’ but ‘regularly consist solely of parameters for probability calculations’.[67]

Conditioning the legality of such technology on uncertain and evolving interpretations of data protection law risks creating a de facto prohibition that benefits neither data subjects nor the EU economy.

Claims that Google Spain paragraph 81 excludes commercial web scraping from legitimate interest misread the judgment.[68] The Court recognised the search engine operator’s legitimate interest and then balanced it against data-subject rights. The judgment does not categorically exclude commercial scraping from Article 6(1)(f).[69]

Article 88c reflects this framework.[70] The provision does not exempt AI training from the legitimate-interest balancing test.[71] Recital 30 confirms that ‘all other conditions of Article 6(1)(f)’ and ‘all other requirements and principles’ of the GDPR remain applicable.[72]

What Article 88c changes is the starting point of the analysis. Today, controllers must effectively persuade each supervisory authority that AI training can qualify as a legitimate interest. Article 88c makes that threshold determination legislatively. Supervisory authorities and courts may still conclude that specific training operations fail the balancing test, but they can no longer treat the legitimacy of AI training itself as an open question.

The objection that the provision ‘merely restates’ Article 6(1)(f) without clarifying the necessity or balancing tests misidentifies its function.[73] Article 88c is a legislative signal that the EDPB’s strategically ambiguous Opinion 28/2024 did not provide. Recitals 30 and 31 supply substantial guidance on the balancing factors, including beneficial uses for data subjects and society, reasonable expectations, enhanced transparency, the unconditional right to object, respect for technical indications limiting data use, and privacy-preserving techniques.[74]

The provision could usefully be supplemented by more specific criteria. But the choice between an imperfect legislative provision and no provision at all is clear.

D. Assessing Necessity in AI Training

The necessity test under Article 6(1)(f) asks whether the processing is necessary to pursue the legitimate interest—not whether less data could theoretically be used.

The Cologne Higher Regional Court’s analysis provides the most detailed judicial treatment to date. The Court rejected the claim that synthetic data offer an equivalent alternative, finding it ‘hardly plausible’ that ‘the significantly smaller amount of data to be obtained in this way … leads to comparable results when training the AI’.[75]

The Court also rejected the suggestion that controllers must justify the necessity of each individual data point:

The training of an AI requires the use of masses of data to generate patterns and probability parameters … the individual data hardly ever has a measurable influence.[76]

Necessity analysis should therefore focus on categories of data and dataset-selection criteria, rather than individual records.

CNIL’s recommendations illustrate a workable approach. Controllers should establish clear dataset-selection rules, apply pseudonymisation or de-identification before training where possible, and exclude categories of data unnecessary for the training objective.[77] These requirements are auditable and scalable.

By contrast, a record-by-record necessity assessment is incompatible with the scale of modern AI training.

Opponents often cite KNLTB paragraph 51 as evidence that legitimate interest requires something close to prior consent.[78] A closer reading shows that the passage addresses how controllers must inform data subjects of their right to object. It does not require controllers to obtain prior agreement before relying on Article 6(1)(f).

Paragraph 49 of KNLTB confirms that ‘a commercial interest of the controller could constitute a legitimate interest … provided that it is not contrary to the law’.[79]

E. Balancing Interests and Safeguards

The balancing test weighs the controller’s interests against the interests, rights, and freedoms of data subjects. Several factors are relevant in the AI context.

1.  The public interest in AI development

The interest at stake extends beyond commercial gain. The Commission identifies AI as ‘key in providing for economic growth and supporting innovation with socially beneficial outcomes’.[80] Recital 31 lists concrete benefits, including bias detection, safer outputs, and improved accessibility.[81]

EU competitiveness considerations reinforce this interest. The European Council has emphasised the strategic importance of AI development, while the Draghi and Letta reports both identify regulatory fragmentation as an obstacle to European innovation.[82]

These policy assessments reflect the legislature’s judgment that enabling AI development within proportionate safeguards serves the general interest.

2. Reasonable expectations

Reasonable expectations depend on context. Critics often argue that individuals do not expect publicly available information to be used for AI training. That claim oversimplifies the analysis.

Recital 31 directs attention to the specific context of processing, including the relationship between the data subject and the controller, transparency measures, technical signals limiting reuse, and the availability of an unconditional right to object.[83]

The Cologne Higher Regional Court adopted a similarly contextual approach. The Court did not treat AI training as equivalent to building a searchable archive of personal dossiers. Instead, it assessed whether safeguards limited the interference with individual rights.

Those safeguards included the dilution of individual data points in large datasets, the absence of continuous monitoring of private life, and the practical possibility for individuals to remove publicly available information or object to its use.[84]

3. Proportionate safeguards

Article 88c requires concrete safeguards: data minimisation during dataset selection, protection against disclosure of residual personal data, enhanced transparency, respect for machine-readable opt-out signals, and an unconditional right to object.[85]

Recital 31 further specifies that processing ‘should not give rise to the continuous monitoring of the data subject’s private life’.[86]

These measures impose auditable obligations on controllers while preserving a strong objection right for data subjects.

F. Special Categories of Data and Technical Reality

Article 9(2)(k) addresses a practical constraint of large-scale AI training: special categories of personal data will inevitably appear in training datasets despite efforts to exclude them.

AI training often involves processing millions or billions of documents collected from publicly accessible internet sources. Such corpora will inevitably contain information revealing racial or ethnic origin, political opinions, religious beliefs, health conditions, sexual orientation, or other Article 9(1) categories.[87]

Perfect ex ante filtering is technically impossible. The CJEU’s broad interpretation of special categories—extending even to data from which sensitive information can be inferred[88]—means that almost any large-scale text corpus will contain some Article 9 information.

Without Article 9(2)(k), controllers face a binary choice: guarantee perfect exclusion of special-category data or abandon AI training in the EU.

Recital 33 recognises this reality. The derogation responds to the ‘capabilities of the controller to identify and remove special categories of personal data’ while avoiding rules that would ‘disproportionately hinder the development and operation of AI’.[89]

The derogation remains narrow. Controllers must implement effective measures to avoid processing special categories and must remove such data once identified. Where removal would require retraining an entire model, controllers must ensure the data cannot be used to generate outputs or disclosed to third parties.[90]

The search-engine case law again provides the closest analogy. In GC and Others, the Court acknowledged that search engines inevitably encounter sensitive data and adopted a removal-upon-request framework, rather than requiring categorical prior exclusion.[91]

The Cologne Higher Regional Court reached a similar conclusion, citing CNIL guidance:

if, despite the measures taken, the organisation incidentally and residually processes sensitive data that it did not seek to collect, this is not considered illegal.[92]

The principle is straightforward. Where processing occurs at a scale that makes perfect filtering impossible, proportionate regulation requires reasonable preventative measures and effective remediation—not a blanket prohibition.

The Joint Opinion ‘generally welcomes’ Article 9(2)(k) and proposes several refinements, including clarifying that the derogation applies only to ‘incidental and residual’ processing, excluding user prompts received during deployment, and requiring safeguards throughout the AI development lifecycle.[93]

G. Safeguards and the Right to Object

The unconditional right to object represents the central safeguard in Article 88c. Unlike the standard Article 21(1) mechanism, data subjects need not demonstrate grounds relating to a particular situation. Controllers must cease processing the data subject’s data upon receiving an objection.[94]

The Joint Opinion proposes two adjustments. First, it suggests relocating the right to Article 21 GDPR itself to increase visibility and enforceability. That drafting improvement is reasonable.

Second, the Joint Opinion proposes that data subjects be informed ‘sufficiently in advance of the processing’ so that they may exercise the right ‘from the outset’.[95]

This requirement raises practical challenges. Where AI training relies on publicly available internet data, identifying and notifying every data subject individually may be impossible.

Recital 31 appears to recognise this constraint. It emphasises enhanced transparency and respect for machine-readable signals limiting the use of data for AI development. This framework suggests general transparency measures and technical opt-out signals, rather than individualised advance notice.[96]

Advance notice should be required where technically feasible. The legislature should avoid imposing a standard that renders web-scale training impossible in practice.

A separate concern arises after data ingestion. Critics argue that once personal data have been incorporated into trained models, meaningful deletion becomes technically impossible.[97] The same challenge affects other rights, including the right to erasure under Article 17.

The right to object therefore operates prospectively. Controllers must exclude the objecting individual’s data from future training runs. For models already trained, Article 9(5) requires safeguards ensuring the data cannot be used to generate outputs or disclosed to third parties.[98]

Requiring controllers to retrain models from scratch upon every objection would make AI development economically unviable in Europe without meaningfully strengthening data-subject protection.

H. Recommendations

1. Adopt Article 88c

Legislative clarification that AI training may constitute a legitimate interest is necessary. EDPB Opinion 28/2024 is non-binding, strategically vague, and revocable. Legislation provides the certainty required for investment and compliance.

2. Adopt Article 9(2)(k)

The derogation reflects the technical reality of large-scale AI training while maintaining strong safeguards for sensitive data.

3. Do not condition Article 88c on EDPB Opinion 28/2024

The legislature should not delegate the framework for AI training to the EDPB. The institutional incentive to preserve enforcement discretion is precisely the problem that Article 88c seeks to address.

III. Cookie Consent and ePrivacy (Art. 88a, Art. 88b, and Art. 5(3) ePrivacy Directive)

A. The Commission’s Proposed Amendments

The Commission proposes three interconnected changes to the regulation of cookies and terminal-equipment data access.

First, a new Article 88a GDPR would govern the storing of, and access to, personal data on users’ terminal equipment.[99] Consent remains the default rule, but four exemptions apply where processing is strictly necessary for transmitting an electronic communication, providing a service explicitly requested by the data subject, creating aggregated audience-measurement information for the controller’s own use, or maintaining or restoring the security of a service.[100] Additional consent-management rules require controllers to offer a single-click refusal button, prohibit repeated consent requests for the same purpose while consent remains valid, and impose a six-month cooling-off period after a refusal.[101]

Second, a new Article 88b would require controllers to accept automated, machine-readable consent and objection signals.[102] Browser providers that are not SMEs must implement these signals within 48 months of the regulation’s entry into force.[103] Media service providers are exempted from the obligation to respect automated signals.[104]

Third, Article 5(3) of the ePrivacy Directive would be amended so that it no longer applies to personal data—which would instead fall under Article 88a GDPR—but would continue to apply to non-personal data stored on or accessed from terminal equipment.[105]

The Commission describes these reforms as ‘long-overdue’, acknowledging that cookie consent banners are widely perceived as a nuisance that ‘might not achieve their aim’.[106] That diagnosis is correct. The treatment, however, remains inadequate. Among the Digital Omnibus reforms, the ePrivacy provisions are the weakest.

B. The Problem the Reform Attempts to Address

Article 5(3) of the ePrivacy Directive requires prior consent for storing information on, or accessing information from, a user’s terminal equipment, subject to two narrowly defined exemptions.[107] Under the EDPB’s interpretation, this requirement extends far beyond cookies. It covers tracking pixels, IP-based tracking, and even URL parameters, regardless of whether the data qualify as personal data.[108]

The EDPB also interprets the exemptions narrowly. Routine practices—such as using URL fragments to identify which advertising partner generated traffic, or deploying basic mechanisms to detect advertising fraud—are treated as requiring prior consent.

The result is a consent regime that mandates banners for processing activities posing minimal privacy risk. Cookie banners have become, as the Commission itself recognises, a ‘regulatory solution’ that fails to achieve its intended purpose.[109] The underlying cause is the progressive expansion of Article 5(3)’s scope through enforcement interpretation rather than legislative change.

C. Why the Reform Falls Short

The Commission’s reform addresses the symptoms of the problem but not its structure. Four shortcomings are particularly significant.

1. The two-regime architecture

The most fundamental flaw is architectural. By moving only personal-data processing from the ePrivacy Directive into the GDPR, the proposal creates two parallel regulatory regimes: Article 88a GDPR for personal data on terminal equipment, and Article 5(3) ePrivacy for non-personal data.

As the EDPB and EDPS themselves acknowledge, ‘information stored in the terminal equipment may include personal data and non-personal data, which may lead to uncertainty as to which rules apply to a particular operation’.[110]

The consequences are counterproductive. Controllers must first determine whether the information stored on a user’s device qualifies as personal data before knowing which legal regime applies. That determination may itself be contested.

The result is an inversion of regulatory logic. Non-personal data remain subject to the stricter ePrivacy consent regime, while personal data move to the GDPR, where additional exemptions apply. As noyb observes, this structure ‘could lead to controllers aiming at processing “personal data” in order to benefit from the less restrictive provisions in the GDPR’.[111] A reform intended to simplify the framework instead multiplies its complexity.

ICLE’s response diverges from noyb’s. Non-personal data should be integrated into the same risk-based framework as personal data so that low-risk processing is not trapped in a stricter legacy regime merely because it falls outside the GDPR.

Noyb instead proposes aligning Article 5(3) with an amended Article 88a so that the stricter device-access logic continues to govern both personal and non-personal data.[112] That approach would remove one inconsistency only by extending the more restrictive regime rather than simplifying the framework.

2. The analytics exemption is too narrow

Article 88a(3)(c) exempts processing for ‘creating aggregated information about the usage of an online service to measure the audience of such a service, where it is carried out by the controller of that online service solely for its own use’.[113]

Each element of this formulation restricts the exemption beyond practical usefulness.

The requirement that information be ‘aggregated’ excludes user-level analytics, which underpin basic functions such as session tracking, page-journey analysis, and conversion measurement. Industry commentary already concludes that analytics tools operating across services, platforms, and customers ‘are unlikely to fall within the scope of this exemption’.[114]

The requirement that measurement be carried out ‘by the controller … solely for its own use’ excludes third-party analytics providers operating as processors on the controller’s behalf. This excludes widely used services such as Google Analytics.

The exemption therefore becomes narrower than the equivalent UK provision, which explicitly permits third-party analytics providers acting as data processors.[115]

The EDPB and EDPS reinforce this narrow reading by arguing that the exemption should apply only to ‘anonymous aggregated information’ that does ‘not relate to a specific data subject’.[116] This interpretation renders the exemption largely ineffective, because meaningful audience measurement necessarily involves temporary processing of individual-level data before aggregation.

3. Missing low-risk exemptions

Article 88a(3)’s exemption list omits several low-risk processing activities essential to the functioning of the ad-funded internet.

Fraud detection provides the clearest example. Detecting invalid traffic and bot activity requires access to device-level signals. Under the current framework, this creates the perverse outcome that fraudsters must consent to the mechanisms designed to detect them. The Commission’s security exemption applies only to maintaining the security of a service ‘requested by the data subject’, a formulation likely to exclude advertising-fraud prevention under prevailing DPA interpretations.

Advertising measurement raises a similar issue. Basic attribution—determining whether a user who saw an advertisement subsequently visited the advertiser’s website—forms the economic foundation of online advertising. The Digital Omnibus introduces no consent exemption for any advertising-related function.[117]

This omission is difficult to reconcile with the Commission’s risk-based logic. If aggregated audience statistics are sufficiently low-risk to exempt from consent, measuring whether an advertisement led to a website visit poses no materially greater privacy risk.

The same problem arises with URL parameter processing. EDPB guidelines treat URL parameters—such as UTM tags identifying the marketing campaign that generated traffic—as falling within Article 5(3)[118] Yet these parameters are transmitted automatically by the user’s browser as part of the HTTP request. The server does not instruct the device to disclose them. The Commission’s reform leaves this interpretation untouched.

Contextual advertising presents a final example. Even the EDPB and EDPS suggest that the co-legislators should ‘consider introducing an additional use case in proposed Article 88a(3)’ for contextual advertising because it ‘is more privacy friendly than behavioural advertising’.[119]

The fact that enforcement authorities themselves recommend a broader exemption than the Commission proposes illustrates the reform’s excessive caution. Moreover, contextual advertising still relies on device-derived information for attribution, frequency capping, and other operational functions. A proportionate regime should attach exemptions to low-risk activities and safeguards, rather than relying on simplistic distinctions between contextual and behavioural advertising.

4. Browser consent signals as a one-way ratchet

Article 88b introduces automated browser-level consent signals. In principle, this mechanism could simplify consent management. In practice, it risks becoming a one-way ratchet.

Experience with current DPA practice suggests two likely outcomes. First, negative signals—such as a ‘no tracking’ browser setting—will be interpreted broadly as a global refusal of consent-based processing and direct marketing under legitimate interest. Second, positive signals will be deemed insufficient for valid consent in most cases. Supervisory authorities will argue that consent must remain ‘specific’ and ‘informed’ at the individual-service level.[120]

If that interpretation prevails, browser signals will enable universal opt-out without a corresponding mechanism for universal opt-in. Consent will cease to function as a bilateral interaction between controller and user and instead become a unilateral browser-level refusal mechanism.

The failure of the ‘Do Not Track’ standard provides a cautionary precedent. Industry participants eventually abandoned the initiative after regulators refused to recognise browser-level consent signals as valid expressions of user choice.

D. Lessons from the United Kingdom

The United Kingdom’s recent reforms illustrate that a more proportionate framework is possible.

The Data (Use and Access) Act 2025 replaced the single ‘strictly necessary’ exemption with five consent exemptions covering communication, strictly necessary processing, statistical purposes, appearance preferences, and emergency assistance.[121]

The statistical-purposes exemption is particularly instructive. It allows analytics about how an organisation’s own service is used and explicitly permits third-party analytics providers acting as data processors.[122]

The UK is also developing a broader risk-based enforcement model. In July 2025, the ICO announced a new approach to online advertising enforcement. The ICO identified six advertising capability categories—ad delivery and billing, fraud prevention, brand safety, frequency capping, measurement and attribution, and targeting methods—where low-risk activities may proceed without consent.[123]

The ICO’s position is that ‘online advertising doesn’t have to come at the expense of privacy’ and that regulators should ‘remove unnecessary regulatory barriers and open the door to responsible innovation’.[124]

The UK framework maintains consent requirements for high-risk activities, particularly extensive cross-service behavioural profiling. At the same time, it allows targeted exemptions for low-risk activities essential to digital services.[125]

The UK system also incorporates institutional flexibility. The Secretary of State may add, remove, or modify consent exemptions through secondary legislation following consultation with the ICO.[126] The EU’s Article 88a, by contrast, contains a closed list of exemptions that can be changed only through full legislative amendment.

This flexibility offers a clear advantage. Privacy-preserving technologies—such as on-device processing and privacy sandbox architectures—are evolving rapidly. Regulatory frameworks must be capable of adapting without requiring multi-year legislative reform.

The UK is no longer bound by CJEU precedent, and its experience is not directly transferable to EU law. Nonetheless, it provides empirical evidence that a differentiated, risk-based approach to terminal-equipment data access can function in practice.

The EU’s current binary model—consent or prohibition for most advertising-related activities—is therefore a policy choice rather than a constitutional requirement.

E. The EDPB/EDPS Joint Opinion

The Joint Opinion takes a more constructive tone on the ePrivacy reforms than on the personal-data definition. The EDPB and EDPS ‘support the aim’ of Article 88a, strongly welcome Article 88b, and even suggest expanding the exemption list to include contextual advertising.[127]

The co-legislators should go further. If contextual advertising qualifies for exemption because it is ‘more privacy friendly than behavioural advertising’, similar reasoning applies to other low-risk activities such as fraud detection, frequency capping, advertising delivery, and basic measurement.

More importantly, regulatory analysis should focus on risk characteristics and safeguards, rather than labels attached to advertising models. Data types used, retention periods, combination practices, and processing scale determine privacy risk—not whether advertising is described as contextual or behavioural.

The Joint Opinion also correctly identifies the structural problem created by the two-regime architecture.[128] Its recommendation that recording a consent refusal should be exempt from consent requirements—provided it relies on a generic flag rather than a unique identifier—is a sensible technical improvement.[129]

F. The Enforcement Constraint

The ePrivacy provisions illustrate the central thesis of this submission: textual reform alone cannot succeed without enforcement reform.

Authorities that interpret the current ePrivacy Directive as requiring consent for generic URL parameters are likely to interpret Article 88a’s exemptions just as narrowly. The analytics exemption will not apply to the third-party tools most websites use. The security exemption will exclude advertising-fraud detection. Legislative language that appears workable in theory may become ineffective in practice once filtered through restrictive enforcement interpretation.

Recent enforcement history supports this concern. The EDPB’s guidelines on Article 5(3), adopted in 2023 and finalised in 2024, significantly expanded the range of activities requiring prior consent. Earlier interpretations by several national authorities—including the German Datenschutzkonferenz—had treated certain automatically transmitted data, such as URL parameters and IP addresses, differently.[130]

The shift occurred through guidelines, rather than legislation.

The Commission itself acknowledges that the current framework is failing. The Explanatory Memorandum recognises that consent banners ‘might not achieve their aim’ and that a ‘regulatory solution on the consent fatigue and proliferation of cookie banners is long-overdue’.[131]

If the Commission accepts that the existing regime fails, its replacement must deliver meaningful improvement. That requires exemptions broad enough to survive restrictive interpretation or an enforcement framework that creates incentives for proportionate interpretation.

G. Recommendations

1. Resolve the two-regime architecture

The co-legislators should bring non-personal data within the same risk-based framework as personal data. The current split between Article 88a GDPR and Article 5(3) of the ePrivacy Directive creates perverse incentives, increases legal uncertainty, and undermines the reform’s simplification objective. A controller should not need to resolve a contested personal-versus-non-personal threshold question before determining which consent regime applies.

2. Broaden the exemption list

The exemption list should cover additional low-risk activities that are essential to the functioning of digital services and do not, on a proportionate assessment, justify prior-consent requirements. At a minimum, the list should include advertising-fraud detection, basic advertising measurement, frequency capping, and contextual advertising.

The law should also avoid rigid category labels.[132] Exemptions should turn on actual risk characteristics and safeguards, including the types of data used, retention periods, combination practices, and scale. Low-risk forms of behavioural advertising should not be excluded solely because they are behavioural.

3. Fix the analytics exemption

The audience-measurement exemption should be broadened to permit third-party analytics providers acting as processors under a data-processing agreement, as in the UK model. The current formulation, limited to the controller’s own use, excludes standard market practice and risks rendering the exemption ineffective in practice.

A workable exemption should recognise that meaningful analytics often requires temporary processing of individual-level data before aggregation.

4. Ensure browser signals work in both directions

The legislation should clarify that an affirmative browser-level or operating-system-level opt-in signal can, where the relevant conditions are met, constitute valid consent under Article 4(11) GDPR. Without that clarification, Article 88b is likely to become a one-way opt-out mechanism.

If negative signals are given broad legal effect while positive signals are dismissed as insufficiently specific or informed, the automated-consent framework will operate asymmetrically and will entrench refusal without enabling meaningful user choice.

5. Introduce a flexibility mechanism

The Commission should be empowered to add or modify consent exemptions through delegated acts. The closed list in Article 88a is unlikely to remain fit for purpose as privacy-preserving technologies evolve.

The UK model provides a useful precedent. A more adaptable EU framework would allow regulators and legislators to respond to technological change without waiting for full primary-legislation reform each time a new low-risk use case emerges.

6. Recognise the enforcement constraint

The co-legislators should recognise that exemptions are only as broad as the authorities that interpret them. Even well-drafted provisions will be narrowed if enforcement incentives remain unchanged.

For that reason, the ePrivacy provisions provide the clearest illustration of why substantive reform and enforcement reform must proceed together. As Section V argues, the effectiveness of any exemption will depend not only on the text adopted, but also on the institutional incentives shaping its interpretation.

IV. Enforcement Reform — The Missing Piece

A. The Central Point

The preceding sections have set out the substantive case for the Digital Omnibus’s main reforms: an entity-relative definition of personal data, a legitimate-interest framework for AI training, and a more rational ePrivacy regime. Each faces the same structural obstacle. The authorities that will interpret and apply these provisions have institutional incentives to read exemptions narrowly, expand the scope of the rules they enforce, and resist reforms that reduce their regulatory reach.

Textual reform without enforcement reform is therefore insufficient.

This is the submission’s central institutional point. Most responses to the Digital Omnibus focus on the text. ICLE’s position is different. The text matters, but text alone cannot deliver the Commission’s stated objectives of simplification, legal certainty, and proportionate regulation. The Commission itself appears to recognise this. It notes that ‘more consistent and harmonised interpretation and enforcement across Member States’ is needed.[133] It proposes no mechanism to achieve that result.

B. The Diagnosis

1. Privacy myopia

Across the EU, data protection authorities often operate less like balanced public-interest regulators than like single-issue institutions. Their design helps explain why. DPAs wield enormous enforcement power, including the ability to impose fines running into the hundreds of millions of euros. Yet no equally robust obligation requires them to account for the effects of their decisions on interests other than privacy and data protection.[134]

The result is a form of privacy myopia. Regulatory culture treats maximising data protection as the overriding objective, while innovation, economic security, freedom of expression, and public health enter the analysis, if at all, as concerns for regulated parties to raise defensively.[135]

This is a structural problem, not a personal one. DPAs are staffed by serious professionals who understandably view data protection as important. The problem is that no countervailing institutional voice represents the other interests that data protection enforcement affects. Competition authorities sometimes intervene, but their remit is narrower than the full set of interests at stake.[136] Political institutions, whose responsibilities span economic welfare and public security, are largely excluded because their involvement is seen as inconsistent with Article 52 GDPR’s independence requirement.[137]

The consequences are concrete. EDPB Opinion 28/2024 on AI models is a good example. It sets out a lengthy list of compliance measures while offering no assurance that compliance with those measures will satisfy enforcement authorities.[138] It preserves near-limitless regulatory discretion while providing little practical guidance to firms trying to innovate responsibly.[139] A controller can invest heavily in AI-related compliance and still have no confidence that its efforts will be judged adequate one or two years later.

That uncertainty chills activity almost as effectively as an outright prohibition. For firms choosing where to invest or launch new products, the rational response is often to avoid the EU altogether.[140]

2. Quasi-legislation without accountability

The EDPB amplifies this problem by functioning as an unaccountable quasi-legislator. Formally, it issues non-binding opinions and guidelines. In practice, those instruments operate as law in action. They shape national enforcement priorities, influence market behaviour, and are often treated by courts and regulators as authoritative statements of the law.

Controllers that depart from EDPB guidance face a real prospect of enforcement action, regardless of whether that guidance reflects the GDPR’s text or the CJEU’s case law.

The EDPB’s guidelines on Article 5(3) of the ePrivacy Directive illustrate the point. Adopted in 2023 and finalised in 2024, the guidelines significantly expanded the scope of activities requiring prior consent. They treated generic URL parameters and standard browser transmissions as ‘access to information stored on the terminal equipment’ and displaced narrower interpretations previously adopted by several national authorities.[141]

That shift occurred through guidelines, not legislation. It was not accompanied by an impact assessment, parliamentary oversight, or the kind of structured stakeholder consultation expected of delegated or implementing acts. Yet it reshaped the compliance landscape for website operators across the EU.

The Joint Opinion on the Digital Omnibus reflects the same institutional logic. On pseudonymisation, the EDPB and EDPS argue that forthcoming EDPB guidance is a better vehicle than the Commission’s proposed Article 41a implementing acts. [142] On ePrivacy, they resist transferring cookie rules into the GDPR in part because that move would subject enforcement to the GDPR’s consistency mechanism, which—although imperfect—provides more structure than the current fragmented ePrivacy regime.[143]

The pattern is consistent. Where the Commission proposes legislative clarification or implementing powers subject to oversight, the EDPB argues that it should retain primary or exclusive control.

3. The accountability gap in the courts

Recent litigation involving Meta and WhatsApp exposes a parallel accountability problem in the courts.

In WhatsApp Ireland v EDPB, the Grand Chamber held that EDPB binding decisions under Article 65 GDPR are ‘acts open to challenge’ under Article 263 TFEU.[144] The Court relied on Recital 143 GDPR, which recognises that EDPB decisions ‘may be of direct and individual concern to, inter alia, a controller’.[145] This was an important development. It confirmed that the EDPB cannot materially alter a controller’s legal position—in that case, by directing the Irish DPC to increase a proposed fine from EUR 30 million to EUR 225 million[146] —without the possibility of judicial review.

But the limits of that safeguard are obvious. The action was filed in 2021. The admissibility ruling arrived only in February 2026. The merits remain pending on remand. Even where review is available, meaningful judicial scrutiny may take five years or more.[147]

Meanwhile, non-binding outputs remain effectively insulated. In Meta v EDPB, the General Court held that the EDPB’s Opinion 8/2024 on ‘consent or pay’ models did not produce binding legal effects vis-à-vis third parties and therefore could not be challenged directly.[148] The Court acknowledged that the opinion used mandatory language such as ‘should’ and ‘should not’, but nonetheless characterised it as merely ‘calling for an in-depth consideration’.[149] Meta’s appeal remains pending.[150] Even if Meta succeeds, the case would address only one category of opinion. It would not solve the broader problem posed by guidelines and recommendations, which make up most of the EDPB’s quasi-legislative output.

At the same time, the EDPB’s influence over investigations is expanding. In DPC v EDPB, the General Court upheld the EDPB’s power to require national authorities to broaden investigations beyond the issues originally examined.[151] The Court did not engage seriously with whether the EDPB’s substantive positions were balanced or proportionate. It treated the EDPB as a neutral coordinator of consistent enforcement—the very assumption that is in dispute.[152]

Taken together, these cases expose the gap. The EDPB’s most influential outputs—its guidelines, opinions, and recommendations—remain the least reviewable. Its binding decisions are reviewable in principle, but only after years of litigation and without any clear indication of the intensity of substantive review. Courts have largely treated the EDPB as a neutral public-interest body. That characterisation is, at minimum, contestable.

4. What the Joint Opinion does not say

The EDPB/EDPS Joint Opinion 2/2026 is the enforcement authorities’ most comprehensive response to the Digital Omnibus. At 47 pages, it says nothing about whether the present enforcement architecture is fit for purpose.[153]

The Joint Opinion mentions DPA resource constraints only to request more resources.[154] It does not acknowledge the structural causes of inconsistent enforcement. It does not discuss the EDPB’s own accountability, the quasi-legislative function of guidelines and opinions, or the possibility that separating investigation from adjudication could improve the quality and legitimacy of enforcement outcomes.

That silence is revealing. When a regulatory body invited to comment on a major reform of its legal framework devotes no attention to whether its own institutional design contributes to the problem, the more plausible explanation is institutional incentive, not bad faith.

C. Existing Counterexamples Show a Different Model Is Possible

The French data protection authority, the CNIL, has shown that proportionate and pragmatic enforcement is possible within the current legal framework. Its AI guidance recognises that GDPR compliance for AI training is achievable and sets out workable compliance pathways. That approach contrasts sharply with the EDPB’s strategically ambiguous Opinion 28/2024.[155]

The CNIL’s example matters because it shows that a national authority willing to balance data protection against other public interests can produce guidance that is both protective and practical.

One national authority, however, cannot reshape EU-wide practice. The CNIL’s approach faces opposition from more absolutist privacy officials and activists, and there is no realistic prospect that EU privacy enforcers will converge voluntarily around its model. The institutional incentives point the other way. DPAs that interpret the law broadly expand their regulatory reach and receive reinforcement through the EDPB’s consistency mechanism. A DPA that takes a more proportionate view risks being overridden, as the Irish DPC’s experience illustrates.[156]

The UK Information Commissioner’s Office provides a complementary example. Its July 2025 call for views on a risk-based enforcement approach to online advertising identified six categories of advertising capabilities for which low-risk activities might proceed without consent. That approach reflects a markedly different regulatory philosophy.[157] The ICO distinguishes between extensive behavioural profiling, which may require consent, and lower-risk activities such as frequency capping and ad delivery, which may not.

The UK example is stronger still because it is not limited to one enforcement initiative. Section 91 of the Data (Use and Access) Act 2025 rewrites the Information Commissioner’s statutory duties. It introduces a principal objective requiring the Commissioner to secure an appropriate level of protection for personal data ‘having regard to the interests of data subjects, controllers and others and matters of general public interest’, while also promoting public trust and confidence in data processing.

The accompanying duties require the Commissioner, where relevant, to consider innovation and competition, crime prevention and detection, public security and national security, and child protection.[158] Section 120C then requires a strategy consistent with those duties and with the earlier economic-growth duty in section 108 of the Deregulation Act 2015. Section 120D adds consultation obligations with other regulators on effects relating to economic growth, innovation, and competition, backed by annual reporting to Parliament.[159]

This matters because it shows that data-protection enforcement need not be organised around a one-dimensional privacy mandate. A legislature can preserve regulatory independence while imposing express duties of balance, consultation, strategy, and public accountability.

At the same time, the UK example also supports an important limit. A bare duty to consider innovation or growth is not enough on its own. The earlier section 108 duty was plainly insufficient. The lesson is therefore twofold: broader statutory duties are both feasible and valuable, but deeper structural reform remains necessary. The EU should go further by changing who makes consequential cross-border decisions and by subjecting EDPB quasi-legislation to meaningful review.

D. A Structural Solution

The solution should address the problem at its source.[160] It should preserve the importance of data protection while reforming the institutional design that turns competent professionals into single-issue enforcers.

First, investigation should be separated from adjudication. DPAs should retain their investigative powers, technical expertise, and local knowledge. But in consequential cross-border cases, they should present their findings and recommendations to an independent decision-making body, rather than acting as investigator, prosecutor, and judge.[161]

Second, the EU should establish an independent multidisciplinary tribunal. This body should issue binding decisions, including fines, in consequential cross-border cases. Its membership should not be limited to data-protection specialists. It should include economists, generalist judges, and experts from relevant regulated sectors so that decisions reflect the wider public interest, rather than a single regulatory perspective.[162]

Third, the governing legal framework should require explicit balancing. In every decision, the tribunal should explain how it has weighed data protection against other fundamental rights and against the economic realities of the activity at issue. The GDPR already requires such balancing in provisions such as Article 6(1)(f) and Recital 4. The current enforcement architecture provides no institutional guarantee that it will actually occur.[163]

Fourth, the tribunal should include advocates general or an equivalent function for non-data-protection interests. Drawing on the Court of Justice model, those officers would be tasked with articulating the interests that lack any institutional champion under the current system, including innovation, freedom of expression, economic security, and public health.[164]

Fifth, EDPB quasi-legislation should be reviewed before taking effect. The tribunal should review EDPB guidelines, opinions, and recommendations before they become final. If the EDPB adopts guidance that fails a proportionality standard—as with its Article 5(3) ePrivacy guidance, which would require website operators to obtain consent from would-be fraudsters and attackers before deploying anti-fraud tools[165]—the tribunal should be able to refuse approval.

That reform would convert the EDPB’s quasi-legislative role from an opaque administrative process into one subject to transparent judicial oversight.[166]

This proposal does not require Treaty change. Article 257 TFEU already permits the European Parliament and Council to establish ‘specialised courts attached to the General Court to hear and determine at first instance certain classes of action or proceeding brought in specific areas’. The legal basis already exists. What is missing is political will.

Garicano, Holmström, and Petit’s Constitution of Innovation proposes using that same Treaty basis to create specialised commercial courts for internal-market enforcement, with fast-track procedures, English-language proceedings, and EU-wide injunctive powers, subject to appeal to the General Court on points of law only.[167] Their proposal targets trade and mutual-recognition disputes, but the institutional model is directly transferable.

A specialised EU regulatory tribunal established under Article 257 TFEU could house both the commercial jurisdiction that Garicano, Holmström, and Petit envisage and the data-protection adjudicatory function proposed here. That would be more efficient, and probably more politically feasible, than creating a stand-alone privacy tribunal. It would also embed data-protection enforcement within a broader framework of EU regulatory adjudication, ensuring that privacy is weighed alongside the other interests EU regulation affects.

The Unified Patent Court offers a practical precedent for specialised European judicial bodies dealing with technically and economically complex issues. The real question is not legal feasibility. It is whether the political system is willing to apply the same institutional logic to data protection, where existing arrangements serve the interests of the bodies that would have to yield authority.

E. Other Commentators Have Identified the Same Problem

ICLE is not alone in identifying enforcement design as the missing element.

Bolognini and Capparelli argue that supervisory authorities should be required to conduct a prior analytical assessment of the effects of their decisions on innovation, competitiveness, and other fundamental rights and freedoms. They also propose that this assessment should accompany the provisional decision so that the addressee can respond meaningfully.[168] In addition, they argue that the EDPB should be required to activate participatory prior-consultation procedures for its guidelines, with public access to the consultation results.[169]

Craddock makes a similar institutional point about the definition of personal data. When data cease to be treated as personal data, they fall outside DPA jurisdiction. For that reason, he argues, ‘one must be careful not to see their position as neutral’.[170]

Leiser describes the Joint Opinion as ‘a regulatory counteroffensive’ that ‘deploys the language of rights not primarily to protect individuals, but to reassert institutional centrality, supervisory reach, and interpretive authority’.[171] That is a sharp formulation, but it does not require alleging bad faith. Incentive structures can produce predictable institutional behaviour without any need for conspiracy or improper motive.

F. Recommendations

The Commission has not proposed enforcement reform in the Digital Omnibus. We recognise the political difficulty. Enforcement reform touches supervisory-authority independence, a principle embedded in Article 52 GDPR and Article 8(3) of the Charter. The EDPB and EDPS will predictably resist any reform that narrows their interpretive discretion.

Still, the implications should be stated plainly. If the enforcement architecture remains unchanged, the substantive reforms in the Digital Omnibus will be interpreted by the same authorities, using the same maximalist lens, that created the underlying problems. The entity-relative definition of personal data will be narrowed through EDPB guidance. The legitimate-interest framework for AI training will be hedged with conditions that recreate the uncertainty it was meant to resolve. The ePrivacy exemptions will be read as narrowly as the exemptions they replace.

The Commission appears to understand this problem. Its own Explanatory Memorandum acknowledges the need for more consistent enforcement. It does not act on that diagnosis.

ICLE therefore recommends the following.

1. Include enforcement reform in the legislative process

The Commission should publish a complementary enforcement-reform proposal. Regulation (EU) 2025/2518, the adopted GDPR Procedural Regulation, is not the right vehicle for structural reform. It standardises aspects of cross-border procedure without addressing the underlying problem of single-interest enforcement.[172]

2. Require proportionality assessments for EDPB outputs

At a minimum, Article 70 GDPR should be amended to require the EDPB to conduct and publish a proportionality assessment before adopting guidelines, opinions, or recommendations. That assessment should address effects on innovation, competition, crime prevention, public security, economic growth, and other fundamental rights. The absence of any such requirement is a gap the co-legislators can close.[173] Even so, this measure alone would not be enough. Impact assessments can easily become window dressing.

3. Require formal stakeholder and cross-regulator consultation

The GDPR should require the EDPB to conduct participatory prior-consultation procedures for all guidelines and opinions, publish submissions, and respond to substantive objections. At present, the EDPB may solicit comments and then disregard them without explanation. That falls below the standard expected of any body exercising quasi-legislative power.[174] The co-legislators should also consider a statutory duty to consult other public authorities where data-protection enforcement materially affects innovation, competition, economic growth, or security, as the UK now requires of the Information Commissioner.[175]

4. Establish an independent review mechanism for consequential cross-border decisions

The EU should create an independent tribunal, or a specialised chamber within the General Court, with multidisciplinary composition and a clear mandate to balance all affected interests. This is the structural reform that addresses the problem at its root.

5. Clarify the standard of judicial review for EDPB acts

WhatsApp opened the door to judicial review of binding decisions, but it said nothing about the intensity of review.[176] The co-legislators should specify that courts reviewing EDPB decisions must apply a proportionality standard that accounts for effects on all fundamental rights and legitimate interests, not merely formal competence.

6. Act on the Commission’s own diagnosis

The Commission already recognises that current enforcement mechanisms are inadequate. If enforcement reform is omitted from the Digital Omnibus, the Commission should explain what alternative mechanism will achieve the objectives it has identified, and on what timetable.

7. Learn from the CNIL and the ICO

The CNIL’s AI guidance and the UK ICO’s risk-based approach to advertising show that proportionate enforcement is possible. The real question is whether that approach can be institutionalised rather than left to the preferences of individual authorities. That requires structural reform.

[1] Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulations (EU) 2016/679 and (EU) 2018/1725 and repealing Directive 2002/58/EC (‘Digital Omnibus’) COM(2025) 837 final, art 1(1)(a), amending art 4(1) of Regulation (EU) 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation). The proposal states: ‘Information is not personal for a given entity where that entity cannot identify the natural person to whom the information relates, taking into account the means reasonably likely to be used by that entity. Such information does not become personal for that entity merely because a potential subsequent recipient has means reasonably likely to identify the natural person to whom the information relates.’

[2] Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulations (EU) 2016/679 and (EU) 2018/1725 and repealing Directive 2002/58/EC (‘Digital Omnibus’) COM(2025) 837 final, art 1(7), inserting new art 41a into Regulation (EU) 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation).

[3] The phrase adapts Nadezhda Purtova, ‘The Law of Everything: Broad Concept of Personal Data and the Future of EU Data Protection Law’ (2018) 10 Law Innov Technol 40.

[4] See, e.g., European Data Protection Board, Guidelines 01/2025 on Pseudonymisation (adopted 16 January 2025); European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor, Joint Opinion 2/2026 on the Proposal for a Regulation (‘Digital Omnibus’) (11 February 2026) paras 14–17.

[5] Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulations (EU) 2016/679 and (EU) 2018/1725 and repealing Directive 2002/58/EC (‘Digital Omnibus’) COM(2025) 837 final, Explanatory Memorandum 7 (estimating EUR 5.1 billion in annual savings from the simplification exercise).

[6] Case C-413/23 P European Data Protection Supervisor v Single Resolution Board [2025] ECLI:EU:C:2025:645, para 82.

[7] Ibid para 100.

[8] Ibid para 86. The EDPS argued that pseudonymised data ‘must be regarded as constituting, in all cases and for every person, personal data’. The EDPB intervened in support of that view. The Court rejected the argument.

[9] International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE), Comments on the European Commission Digital Omnibus (13 October 2025) 3 https://laweconcenter.org/resources/icle-comments-on-the-european-commission-digital-omnibus.

[10] Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union [2012] OJ C 326/391, art 8.

[11] noyb, Digital Omnibus Report (version 3.0, 2026) 7.

[12] Explanations Relating to the Charter of Fundamental Rights [2007] OJ C 303/17, art 8 commentary (stating that art 8 is ‘based on’ Directive 95/46 and Regulation 45/2001).

[13] Directive 95/46/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 24 October 1995 on the protection of individuals with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data [1995] OJ L 281/31, recital 26.

[14] Case C-582/14 Patrick Breyer v Bundesrepublik Deutschland [2016] ECLI:EU:C:2016:779, paras 45–46.

[15] Opinion of AG Spielmann in Case C-413/23 P European Data Protection Supervisor v Single Resolution Board [2025] ECLI:EU:C:2025:59, para 58.

[16] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 13.

[17] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 15.

[18] noyb (n 11) 8.

[19] Breyer (n 14) paras 45–46.

[20] Ibid para 47.

[21] noyb (n 11) 8, citing para 48 for the proposition that ‘it was irrelevant if this is likely to be used, the possibility was sufficient’. This reading omits the qualifications in paras 45–46 that identification must rely on means ‘reasonably likely’ to be used and excludes cases where identification would require ‘disproportionate effort’.

[22] Case C-434/16 Peter Nowak v Data Protection Commissioner [2017] ECLI:EU:C:2017:994, paras 34–39.

[23] Case C-683/21 Nacionalinis visuomenės sveikatos centras prie Sveikatos apsaugos ministerijos v Valstybinė duomenų apsaugos inspekcija [2023] ECLI:EU:C:2023:949, para 58.

[24] Case C-579/21 Pankki S [2023] ECLI:EU:C:2023:501, para 42.

[25] Ibid para 44.

[26] Case C-604/22 IAB Europe v Gegevensbeschermingsautoriteit [2024] ECLI:EU:C:2024:214, paras 40–46.

[27] Case C-479/22 P OC v European Commission [2024] ECLI:EU:C:2024:215, paras 51, 57–58.

[28] European Data Protection Supervisor v Single Resolution Board (n 6) para 81.

[29] Proposal (n 1) proposed art 4(1) GDPR, third sentence.

[30] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 16, citing European Data Protection Supervisor v Single Resolution Board (n 6) paras 84–85.

[31] See, e.g., Case C-319/22 Gesamtverband Autoteile-Handel eV v Scania CV AB [2023] ECLI:EU:C:2023:837, para 49 (holding that data become personal for the manufacturer ‘indirectly’ when made available to independent operators with the means to identify the data subject).

[32] noyb (n 11) 9.

[33] Opinion of AG Spielmann (n 15) paras 94–96.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 on the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, recital 26 (distinguishing ‘identified’ and ‘identifiable’ natural persons and listing ‘singling out’ among several possible means of identification, alongside name, identification number, location data, and factors specific to identity).

[36] noyb (n 11) 6.

[37] Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, art 11(1): ‘If the purposes for which a controller processes personal data do not or no longer require the identification of a data subject, the controller shall not be obliged to maintain, acquire or process additional information in order to identify the data subject for the sole purpose of complying with this Regulation.’

[38] Sophie Stalla-Bourdillon, ‘Déjà Vu in Data Protection: The Risks of Rewriting What Counts as Personal Data’ (2026) 26 Priv Data Prot 2.

[39] noyb (n 11) 12.

[40] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 6.

[41] Ibid paras 21, 25.

[42] Ibid para 19.

[43] See ICLE (n 9) 3–4.

[44] Case C-97/23 P WhatsApp Ireland Ltd v European Data Protection Board [2026] ECLI:EU:C:2026:81 (admissibility ruling holding that binding decisions of the EDPB under art 65 GDPR are challengeable under art 263 TFEU; the merits remain pending on remand).

[45] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 24.

[46] Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulations (EU) 2016/679 and (EU) 2018/1725 and repealing Directive 2002/58/EC (‘Digital Omnibus’) COM(2025) 837 final (‘the Proposal’), art 1(12), inserting new art 88c into Regulation (EU) 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation).

[47] Ibid.

[48] Proposal (n 1) art 1(3)(a), inserting new art 9(2)(k) into Regulation (EU) 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation).

[49] Proposal (n 1) art 1(3)(b), inserting new art 9(5) into Regulation (EU) 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation).

[50] European Data Protection Board, Opinion 28/2024 on Certain Data Protection Aspects Related to the Processing of Personal Data in the Context of AI Models (adopted 17 December 2024) para 69.

[51] ICLE (n 9) 3–4.

[52] Commission nationale de l’informatique et des libertés (CNIL), ‘Base légale : l’intérêt légitime pour le développement des systèmes d’IA’ (19 June 2025) https://www.cnil.fr/fr/base-legale-interet-legitime-developpement-systeme. See also CNIL, ‘IA et RGPD : la CNIL publie ses nouvelles recommandations pour accompagner une innovation responsable’ (7 February 2025) https://www.cnil.fr/fr/ia-et-rgpd-la-cnil-publie-ses-nouvelles-recommandations-pour-accompagner-une-innovation-responsable.

[53] ICLE (n 9) 4.

[54] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 39.

[55] See ICLE (n 9) 3 (arguing that the EDPB’s approach illustrates ‘the fox-guarding-henhouse problem’ in EU data protection governance).

[56] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 19.

[57] Ibid para 90.

[58] Ibid para 82.

[59] European Data Protection Board, Guidelines 1/2024 on the Processing of Personal Data Based on Article 6(1)(f) GDPR (adopted February 2025) 4: ‘it should be recalled that the GDPR does not establish any hierarchy between the different legal bases laid down in Article 6(1)’.

[60] noyb (n 11) 77 (framing the debate as one where ‘the Commission proposal goes towards shifting the burden … to 450 million Europeans — instead of a handful of AI training companies’). This framing implicitly treats consent as the preferred legal basis. The GDPR contains no such preference.

[61] noyb (n 11) 77.

[62] Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, art 21(1) (requiring the data subject to demonstrate ‘grounds relating to his or her particular situation’). The proposed art 88c right to object is unconditional; no grounds must be shown.

[63] Case C-131/12 Google Spain SL and Google Inc v Agencia Española de Protección de Datos (AEPD) and Mario Costeja González [2014] ECLI:EU:C:2014:317, paras 73–81.

[64] Case C-136/17 GC and Others v Commission nationale de l’informatique et des libertés (CNIL) [2019] ECLI:EU:C:2019:773, paras 36–39, 66.

[65] Opinion of AG Szpunar in Case C-136/17 GC and Others v Commission nationale de l’informatique et des libertés (CNIL) [2019] ECLI:EU:C:2019:14, paras 42–46.

[66] Peter Craddock, ‘About AI Training & Legitimate Interest as a GDPR Legal Ground’ (LinkedIn, 23 May 2025) https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/ai-training-legitimate-interest-gdpr-legal-ground-peter-craddock-2p5qe: ‘the objective of AI model training is not to provide responses to users that contain personal data but rather to help the AI model predict what a response through the user-facing AI system should look like’.

[67] Higher Regional Court of Cologne (OLG Köln), 23 May 2025, Case 15 UKl 2/25 https://nrwe.justiz.nrw.de/olgs/koeln/j2025/15_UKl_2_25_Urteil_20250523.html.

[68] noyb (n 11) 77, citing Google Spain (n 63) para 81.

[69] Google Spain (n 63) paras 73–74 (recognising the search engine operator’s ‘legitimate interest’ in processing personal data).

[70] Proposal (n 1) art 88c GDPR.

[71] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 41.

[72] Proposal (n 1) recital 30: ‘This does not affect … its obligation to ensure that all other conditions of art 6(1)(f) of Regulation (EU) 2016/679, as well as all other requirements and principles of that Regulation, are met.’

[73] noyb (n 11) 80.

[74] Proposal (n 1) recitals 30–31.

[75] OLG Köln (n 67).

[76] Ibid.

[77] CNIL (n 52).

[78] noyb (n 11) 78, citing Case C-621/22 Koninklijke Nederlandse Lawn Tennisbond v Autoriteit Persoonsgegevens [2024] ECLI:EU:C:2024:858, para 51.

[79] Koninklijke Nederlandse Lawn Tennisbond v Autoriteit Persoonsgegevens (n 78) para 49.

[80] Proposal (n 1) recital 30.

[81] Proposal (n 1) recital 31 (identifying bias detection, accurate and safe outputs, and improved accessibility as examples of beneficial uses of AI).

[82] Proposal (n 1) Explanatory Memorandum 1 (citing the Draghi and Letta reports and the European Council Conclusions of 20 March 2025).

[83] Proposal (n 1) recitals 30–31.

[84] OLG Köln (n 67).

[85] Proposal (n 1) art 88c GDPR; recital 31.

[86] Proposal (n 1) recital 31.

[87] Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, art 9(1).

[88] See, e.g., Case C-184/20 OT v Vyriausioji tarnybinės etikos komisija [2022] ECLI:EU:C:2022:601, paras 123–128 (holding that data revealing a spouse’s name in a public declaration of interests may constitute ‘data concerning health’ within art 9(1) where it permits inferences about sexual life or orientation); Case C-667/21 ZQ v Medizinischer Dienst der Krankenversicherung Nordrhein, Körperschaft des öffentlichen Rechts [2023] ECLI:EU:C:2023:1022, paras 75–80.

[89] Proposal (n 1) recital 33.

[90] Proposal (n 1) art 9(5) GDPR, as inserted by art 1(3)(b).

[91] GC and Others (n 64) paras 66–67.

[92] OLG Köln (n 67).

[93] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) paras 46–51 (suggesting the three refinements discussed in the text). The Joint Opinion ‘acknowledge[s]’ that ‘it is not always possible for controllers to avoid residual and incidental processing of special categories of data’ (para 46).

[94] Proposal (n 1) art 88c GDPR; Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, art 21(1) (requiring ‘grounds relating to his or her particular situation’).

[95] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 42.

[96] Proposal (n 1) recital 31.

[97] noyb (n 11) 80.

[98] Proposal (n 1) art 9(5) GDPR.

[99] Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulations (EU) 2016/679 and (EU) 2018/1725 and repealing Directive 2002/58/EC (‘Digital Omnibus’) COM(2025) 837 final (‘the Proposal’), art 1(12), inserting new art 88a into Regulation (EU) 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation).

[100] Proposal (n 1) art 88a(3)(a)–(d).

[101] Proposal (n 1) art 88a(4)(a)–(c).

[102] Proposal (n 1) art 1(12), inserting new art 88b into Regulation (EU) 2016/679 (General Data Protection Regulation).

[103] Proposal (n 1) art 88b(6)–(7).

[104] Proposal (n 1) art 88b(3).

[105] Proposal (n 1) art 2(1), amending art 5(3) of Directive 2002/58/EC.

[106] Proposal (n 1) Explanatory Memorandum 7–8.

[107] Directive 2002/58/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 12 July 2002 concerning the processing of personal data and the protection of privacy in the electronic communications sector (ePrivacy Directive) [2002] OJ L 201/37, art 5(3). The provision recognises two exemptions: (i) storage solely for the purpose of transmitting a communication, and (ii) storage strictly necessary to provide a service explicitly requested by the user.

[108] European Data Protection Board, Guidelines 2/2023 on the Technical Scope of Article 5(3) of the ePrivacy Directive (adopted 7 October 2024).

[109] Proposal (n 1) Explanatory Memorandum 7.

[110] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 97(i).

[111] noyb (n 11) 84–85.

[112] noyb (n 11) 63–68.

[113] Proposal (n 1) art 88a(3)(c).

[114] See, e.g., Hendrik Schöttle and Claudio Calabro, ‘Digital Omnibus Reshapes EU Cookie Rules but Leaves Banner Fatigue Largely Intact’ (Osborne Clarke, 10 December 2025) https://www.osborneclarke.com/insights/digital-omnibus-reshapes-eu-cookie-rules-leaves-banner-fatigue-largely-intact; Taylor Wessing, ‘The Digital Omnibus: Cookies, Consent and Digital Advertising’ (Global Data Hub, 2 February 2026) https://www.taylorwessing.com/en/global-data-hub/2026/the-digital-omnibus-proposal/gdh—the-digital-omnibus—cookies.

[115] Data (Use and Access) Act 2025 (UK), s 112 and sch 12 (inserting a statistical-purposes exception into reg 6 of the Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 (PECR), covering third-party analytics providers acting as data processors under a data-processing agreement).

[116] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 102.

[117] Proposal (n 1) art 88a(3). None of the four exemptions covers advertising delivery, measurement, or fraud prevention. The media-service-provider carve-out in art 88b(3) merely exempts media providers from respecting browser consent signals; it does not create a legal basis for consent-free advertising.

[118] European Data Protection Board (n 108) paras 31–33.

[119] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 104.

[120] See also Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, art 4(11) (defining consent as ‘any freely given, specific, informed and unambiguous indication of the data subject’s wishes’).

[121] Data (Use and Access) Act 2025 (UK), s 112 and sch 12.

[122] Ibid (statistical-purposes exception). See also Data Protection Network, ‘DUA Act and the 5 Cookie Exceptions’ (2025) https://dpnetwork.org.uk/duaa-cookie-exceptions.

[123] Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO), ‘ICO Opens Door to Privacy-First Advertising Models with Proposed New Enforcement Approach’ (7 July 2025) https://ico.org.uk/about-the-ico/media-centre/news-and-blogs/2025/07/ico-opens-door-to-privacy-first-advertising-models-with-proposed-new-enforcement-approach.

[124] Ibid, quoting Stephen Almond, ICO Executive Director of Regulatory Risk.

[125] Ibid: ‘Where people have a clear understanding that services are funded by advertising, they may accept some storage and access’.

[126] Data (Use and Access) Act 2025 (UK), s 112 (empowering the Secretary of State to add, remove, or vary exceptions to the Privacy and Electronic Communications (EC Directive) Regulations 2003 after consulting the Information Commissioner’s Office).

[127] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) paras 96, 104, 108.

[128] Ibid para 97.

[129] Ibid para 106.

[130] Datenschutzkonferenz, Orientierungshilfe der Aufsichtsbehörden für Anbieter:innen von Telemedien ab dem 1. Dezember 2021 (20 December 2021) https://www.datenschutzkonferenz-online.de/media/oh/20211220_oh_telemedien.pdf.

[131] Proposal (n 1) Explanatory Memorandum 7–8.

[132] Proposal (n 1) recital 44.

[133] Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council amending Regulations (EU) 2016/679 and (EU) 2018/1725 and repealing Directive 2002/58/EC (‘Digital Omnibus’) COM(2025) 837 final (‘the Proposal’), Explanatory Memorandum 3.

[134] Mikołaj Barczentewicz, ‘A Serious Target for Improving EU Regulation: GDPR Enforcement’ (EUTechReg, 27 February 2025) https://eutechreg.com/p/a-serious-target-for-improving-eu.

[135] Ibid. See also Mikołaj Barczentewicz, ‘The EDPB’s AI Opinion Shows the Need for GDPR Enforcement Reform’ (EUTechReg, 17 January 2025) https://eutechreg.com/p/the-edpbs-ai-opinion-shows-the-need.

[136] Barczentewicz, ‘A Serious Target for Improving EU Regulation: GDPR Enforcement’ (n 134).

[137] Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, art 52(1)–(2).

[138] European Data Protection Board, Opinion 28/2024 on Certain Data Protection Aspects Related to the Processing of Personal Data in the Context of AI Models (adopted 17 December 2024).

[139] Barczentewicz, ‘The EDPB’s AI Opinion Shows the Need for GDPR Enforcement Reform’ (n 135).

[140] Ibid.

[141] European Data Protection Board, Guidelines 2/2023 on the Technical Scope of Article 5(3) of the ePrivacy Directive (adopted 7 October 2024). See also Peter Craddock, ‘EDPB Seeks to Redefine ePrivacy — Part II: Overbroad Notions and Regulator Activism?’ (LinkedIn, 20 November 2023) https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/edpb-seeks-redefine-eprivacy-part-ii-overbroad-notions-peter-craddock-ptg0e.

[142] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4) para 19.

[143] See ibid paras 96–97.

[144] Case C-97/23 P WhatsApp Ireland Ltd v European Data Protection Board [2026] ECLI:EU:C:2026:81.

[145] Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, recital 143.

[146] European Data Protection Board, Binding Decision 1/2021 on the Dispute Arisen on the Draft Decision of the Irish Supervisory Authority Regarding WhatsApp Ireland Ltd (2021) (directing the Irish Data Protection Commission to increase its proposed fine from approximately EUR 30 million to EUR 225 million).

[147] Case T-709/21 WhatsApp Ireland Ltd v European Data Protection Board [2022] ECLI:EU:T:2022:783 (dismissing the action as inadmissible). The Court of Justice set aside that order in WhatsApp Ireland Ltd v European Data Protection Board (n 144) and remitted the case to the General Court. As of March 2026, no judgment on the merits has been delivered.

[148] Case T-319/24 Meta Platforms Ireland Ltd v European Data Protection Board [2025] ECLI:EU:T:2025:435, paras 30, 36.

[149] Ibid para 23.

[150] Case C-454/25 P Meta Platforms Ireland Ltd v European Data Protection Board (appeal brought 10 July 2025, pending).

[151] Joined Cases T-578/21, T-579/21 and T-580/21 Data Protection Commission v European Data Protection Board (General Court, 29 January 2025).

[152] See Mikołaj Barczentewicz, ‘Meta v EDPB and What Really Needs to Change in the GDPR’ (EUTechReg, 6 May 2025) https://eutechreg.com/p/meta-v-edpb-and-what-really-needs.

[153] European Data Protection Board and European Data Protection Supervisor (n 4).

[154] Ibid para 59, fn 65.

[155] Commission nationale de l’informatique et des libertés (CNIL), ‘IA et RGPD : la CNIL publie ses nouvelles recommandations pour accompagner une innovation responsable’ (7 February 2025) https://www.cnil.fr/fr/ia-et-rgpd-la-cnil-publie-ses-nouvelles-recommandations-pour-accompagner-une-innovation-responsable. See also Barczentewicz, ‘A Serious Target for Improving EU Regulation: GDPR Enforcement’ (n 134).

[156] See nn 144–147 and accompanying text.

[157] Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO), ‘ICO Opens Door to Privacy-First Advertising Models with Proposed New Enforcement Approach’ (7 July 2025) https://ico.org.uk/about-the-ico/media-centre/news-and-blogs/2025/07/ico-opens-door-to-privacy-first-advertising-models-with-proposed-new-enforcement-approach. The six categories are ad delivery and billing, ad-fraud prevention and detection, brand safety and compliance, frequency capping, measurement and attribution, and targeting methods.

[158] Data (Use and Access) Act 2025 (UK), s 91 (inserting Data Protection Act 2018, ss 120A–120B).

[159] Ibid s 91 (inserting Data Protection Act 2018, ss 120C–120D); Deregulation Act 2015 (UK), s 108; Legislative and Regulatory Reform Act 2006 (UK), s 21.

[160] Barczentewicz, ‘A Serious Target for Improving EU Regulation: GDPR Enforcement’ (n 134); Mikołaj Barczentewicz, ‘The EU’s GDPR “Fix” Misses the Point Entirely’ (Truth on the Market, 24 June 2025) https://truthonthemarket.com/2025/06/24/the-eus-gdpr-fix-misses-the-point-entirely; ICLE, Comments on the European Commission Digital Omnibus (13 October 2025) 3–4 https://laweconcenter.org/resources/icle-comments-on-the-european-commission-digital-omnibus.

[161] Barczentewicz, ‘The EU’s GDPR “Fix” Misses the Point Entirely’ (n 160).

[162] Ibid.

[163] Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 (General Data Protection Regulation) [2016] OJ L 119/1, art 6(1)(f) (legitimate-interest balancing test); recital 4 (‘The right to the protection of personal data is not an absolute right; it must be considered in relation to its function in society and be balanced against other fundamental rights, in accordance with the principle of proportionality’).

[164] Barczentewicz, ‘A Serious Target for Improving EU Regulation: GDPR Enforcement’ (n 134); Barczentewicz, ‘The EU’s GDPR “Fix” Misses the Point Entirely’ (n 160).

[165] Mikołaj Barczentewicz, ‘Why Europe Can’t Kill the Cookie Banner’ (Truth on the Market, 26 January 2026) https://truthonthemarket.com/2026/01/26/why-europe-cant-kill-the-cookie-banner.

[166] Barczentewicz, ‘A Serious Target for Improving EU Regulation: GDPR Enforcement’ (n 134).

[167] Luis Garicano, Bengt Holmström and Nicolas Petit, ‘The Constitution of Innovation’ (10 November 2025) https://constitutionofinnovation.eu (proposing specialised commercial courts established under art 257 TFEU, attached to the General Court, with fast-track procedures including decisions within 180 days, English-language proceedings, and EU-wide injunctive powers). See also Barczentewicz, ‘A Serious Target for Improving EU Regulation: GDPR Enforcement’ (n 134).

[168] Luca Bolognini and Enrico Capparelli, ‘Proposals for Improving the Digital Omnibus’ (February 2026) Section IV: ‘The supervisory authority should be required to carry out a prior analytical assessment of the impact that such decisions would have on innovation and competitiveness, including knowledge enhancement and technology transfer, as well as on other public interests or fundamental rights and freedoms’.

[169] Ibid (proposing either prescriptive regulation of consultation procedures or ‘greater functional autonomy’ for the EDPB, with a requirement to ‘activate prior consultation of the stakeholders’).

[170] Peter Craddock, ‘Making the GDPR Realistic? Authorities Only Want That in Part’ (LinkedIn, 20 February 2026) https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/making-gdpr-realistic-authorities-only-want-part-peter-craddock-pktxe: ‘when information ceases to be perceived as personal data, it falls outside of their remit. One must therefore be careful not to see their position as neutral’.

[171] Mark R Leiser, ‘The Entrenchment Move’ (Dr Mark R Leiser, 3 February 2026) https://digidata.substack.com/p/the-entrenchment-move: ‘The Opinion deploys the language of rights not primarily to protect individuals, but to reassert institutional centrality, supervisory reach, and interpretive authority within the emerging AI governance framework’.

[172] Regulation (EU) 2025/2518 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 26 November 2025 laying down additional procedural rules on the enforcement of Regulation (EU) 2016/679 [2025] OJ L 2025/2518 (enacted version of Proposal COM(2023) 348 final).

[173] Data (Use and Access) Act 2025 (UK), s 91 (inserting Data Protection Act 2018, ss 120A–120B).

[174] See Bolognini and Capparelli (n 168).

[175] Ibid s 91 (inserting Data Protection Act 2018, ss 120C–120D); Deregulation Act 2015 (UK), s 108; Legislative and Regulatory Reform Act 2006 (UK), s 21.

[176] WhatsApp Ireland Ltd v European Data Protection Board (n 144) (remanding the case for examination on the merits without specifying the intensity of judicial review).

Source: European Commission

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