Well, they have done it. On Dec. 18, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and U.S. Justice Department (DOJ) issued their final 2023 merger guidelines, as an early New Year’s gift (nicely sandwiched between Hanukkah, which ended Dec. 15, and Christmas) of the porcine sort.

The two agencies try to put lipstick on this pig by claiming that the guidelines “emphasize the dynamic and complex nature of competition,” an approach that supposedly “enables the agencies to assess the commercial realities of the United States’ modern economy when making enforcement decisions.” But no amount of verbal makeup prevents this porker from oinking, despite the valiant best efforts of the antitrust agencies’ talented and highly respected chief economists (Susan Athey and Aviv Nevo) to argue otherwise.

Read the full piece here.

Abstract

Dynamic competition defines an improvement path for antitrust law. Interested in competitive realities more than political activities, the growing body of scholarship studying dynamic competition wants to make antitrust diagnosis and analysis more accurate without sacrificing administrability. At a high level, the dynamic competition approach appears to some as a twenty-first-century equivalent of the Chicago School of antitrust. This article shows that the analogy is only partially correct. Unlike the Chicago School of antitrust law, the dynamic competition scholarship is innovation oriented, empirical, enforcement friendly, and interdisciplinary. More generally, dynamic competition is the natural evolution for all systems of antitrust law that reassess doctrine in light of the progression of economic and technical understanding of competition.

Read at SSRN.

Come Thursday (Jan 11), students will receive their 2023 GCE O-Level examination results.

The stress over performance can take on a slightly different dimension at this juncture – on the one hand, there is a greater range of education options from the academic to the practical-oriented; on the other, teenagers will have to start thinking ahead to university and even career possibilities.

As educators, we are often asked by students for advice. In particular, those keen on pursuing the more academic A-Level route seek help deciding which subjects they should take at the Higher 2 (H2) level.

Our short answer tends to be a pragmatic question: Think ahead – what would you like to study at university? Take subjects that open those doors for you.

Read the full piece here.

Abstract

Erie Railroad v. Tompkins is a cornerstone of modern American law. Erie overturned Swift v. Tyson, a case that had stood for nearly a century with minimal objection. Swift involved the negotiability of commercial paper and the holding of the case, that in disputes heard in federal courts under diversity jurisdiction, the court should use traditional common law methods to resolve the case rather than feeling bound by the authoritative pronouncements of a state court.

Correspondence between Harvard Law School’s Lon Fuller and Yale’s Arthur Corbin—arguably the two greatest Contracts Law professors of the mid-Twentieth Century—reveals widespread ridicule and dismay among commercial lawyers and scholars following Erie. Fuller quotes the great Harvard Constitutional Law scholar as saying the Supreme Court “pulled a brodie” in Erie. This article reviews Erie from the perspective of commercial law, rather than the public law commentary that has dominated discussion of the Erie doctrine since its birth, seeking to understand the depth of contempt for Erie among commercial lawyers in terms of its consequences, reasoning, and jurisprudential approach.

Read at SSRN.

The credit card you used to purchase your latte this morning and to fill your car with gas was probably issued by a bank based in Delaware, South Dakota or some state other than Colorado. Why? Because under a unanimous 1978 decision authored by liberal lion William Brennan, the Supreme Court ruled that banks holding a “national charter” would be governed by the interest rate ceilings of the state in which the bank is based instead of the state of the customer’s residence. This one decision transformed the American economy, unleashing unprecedented competition and putting Visa, Mastercard and other credit cards in the hands of millions of American families who were previously reliant on pawnbrokers, personal finance companies and store credit to make ends meet.

Yet a law set to go into effect in Colorado in July would deprive the most credit-deprived Coloradans of the same access to competitive financial services available to the more well-off and effectively destroy the rapidly growing fintech industry in the state. The consequences to Colorado’s more financially strapped households could be catastrophic. Other states are considering following suit.

Read the full piece here.

Sometimes Congress does something right, and one example is the Bayh-Dole Act of 1980. This bipartisan patent law is widely recognized as one of the great legislative achievements of the past 60 years. It has massively boosted innovation and economic growth by incentivizing researchers and universities to commercialize their new inventions by, paradoxically, removing them from public control by the government. The Biden administration has now announced a plan to twist this law to reimpose government control over these inventions in the form of price controls. This proposal would kill this “golden goose” of innovation.

Read the full piece here.

INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE[1]

The International Center for Law & Economics (“ICLE”) is a nonprofit, non-partisan global research and policy center aimed at building the intellectual foundations for sensible, economically grounded policy. ICLE promotes the use of law and economics methodologies, as well as the results of economic research, to inform public policy debates, and it has longstanding expertise in antitrust law. It has filed amicus briefs in this Court and others around the country. See, e.g., Apple Inc. v. Epic Games, Inc., No. 23-344 (U.S.); United States v. Am. Airlines Grp. Inc., No. 23-1802 (1st Cir.); Giordano v. Saks Inc., No. 23-600 (2d Cir.).

ICLE respectfully submits that the decision below undermines the economic foundations of antitrust law by presuming that a potentially procompetitive restraint is per se unlawful, rather than analyzing the restraint under the default rule of reason. The Court should grant the petition for a writ of certiorari to clarify that the type of restraint at issue here is presumptively procompetitive and thus subject to the rule of reason.

ICLE scholars have written extensively on issues closely related to this case, and respectfully submit that their expertise will help clarify the economic problems with the decision below and highlight the reasons for the Court to grant certiorari.

SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT

This Court has clearly and repeatedly recognized that “[t]he rule of reason is the accepted standard for testing whether a practice restrains trade in violation of [Sherman Act] § 1” and that per se prohibitions are “con- fined to restraints … ‘that would always or almost al- ways tend to restrict competition and decrease output.’” Leegin Creative Leather Prods., Inc. v. PSKS, Inc., 551 U.S. 877, 885–86 (2007) (quoting Bus. Elecs. Corp. v. Sharp Elecs. Corp., 485 U.S. 717, 723 (1988)). The decision below cannot be reconciled with those important principles.

The Seventh Circuit committed at least three errors that threaten the economic foundations of antitrust law and are worthy of this Court’s attention.

First, the Seventh Circuit inverted the strong presumption in favor of rule of reason analysis—a presumption that is critical in preventing antitrust law from deterring productive and beneficial conduct. Plaintiffs can overcome that presumption, but only when they show that the challenged restraint falls squarely within a class or category that “always or almost always” harms competition. Leegin, 551 U.S. at 885–86. For a court to make that prediction with confidence, it must have sufficient experience with the restraint. Here, the Seventh Circuit turned settled law on its head. From a dearth of experience, the court of appeals reasoned that a per se claim was plausible and sustainable. This approach threatens to chill Interbrand competition.

Second, the Seventh Circuit sustained a per se challenge to a restraint that has significant procompetitive virtues. The challenged contractual provision was designed, and chiefly functioned, as a vertical restraint. The economic literature shows that intrabrand vertical restraints tend to benefit competition. While there are circumstances under which certain vertical restraints can be anticompetitive, there is no literature demonstrating that they are typically anticompetitive. In the franchise context, intrabrand vertical restraints strengthen the franchise’s brand overall and thus foster competition. The existence of some horizontal aspects or applications of such a restraint, moreover, does not negate these procompetitive virtues. The rule of reason fosters consideration of such issues, whereas the Seventh Circuit’s decision curtails it.

Third, the Seventh Circuit held that positive effects on consumers cannot justify a restraint in the labor market. This holding is in deep tension with this Court’s admonition that antitrust analysis focus on “the commercial realities” of a business or industry rather than on “formalistic distinctions.” See Ohio v. Am. Express Co., 138 S. Ct. 2274, 2285 (2018) (“AmEx”) (quoting Eastman Kodak Co. v. Image Tech. Servs., Inc., 504 U.S. 451, 466–67 (1992)). Second, the decision below is at odds with this Court’s teaching that “reasonableness” is a holistic endeavor, which incorporates consideration of consumer welfare. See NCAA v. Alston, 141 S. Ct. 2141, 2151 (2021). As petitioners explain, a growing circuit split on this fundamental, analytical issue warrants this Court’s immediate attention.

[1] Pursuant to S. Ct. Rule 37.2(a), counsel for all parties have been notified about the filing of this brief. No counsel for a party authored this brief in whole or in part and no person or entity other than amicus, its members, or counsel made a monetary contribution to its preparation or submission.

Abstract

This paper examines algorithmic collusion from legal and economic perspectives, highlighting the growing role of algorithms in digital markets and their potential for anti-competitive behavior. Using bandit algorithms as a model, traditionally applied in uncertain decision-making contexts, we illuminate the dynamics of implicit collusion without overt communication. Legally, the challenge is discerning and classifying these algorithmic signals, especially as unilateral communications. Economically, distinguishing between rational pricing and collusive patterns becomes intricate with algorithm-driven decisions. The paper emphasizes the imperative for competition authorities to identify unusual market behaviors, hinting at shifting the burden of proof to firms with algorithmic pricing. Balancing algorithmic transparency and collusion prevention is crucial. While regulations might address these concerns, they could hinder algorithmic development. As this form of collusion becomes central in antitrust, understanding through models like bandit algorithms is vital, since these last ones may converge faster towards an anticompetitive equilibrium.

Facebook parent Meta Platforms Inc. filed suit against the Federal Trade Commission in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia on Nov. 29, alleging the FTC’s administrative proceedings against the company are “structurally unconstitutional,” and that they violate the Fifth Amendment’s Due Process Clause, the Seventh Amendment’s right to trial by jury, and Articles I and III of the U.S. Constitution.

The suit — which also names Commissioners Lina Khan, Rebecca Kelly Slaughter and Alvaro Bedoya — raises complex issues of constitutional and administrative law.

In brief, it’s about the limits of agency authority and, not incidentally, what authority Congress can properly delegate to federal agencies. It is also, at least arguably, an expression of backlash to regulatory overreach.

Such a backlash seemed increasingly likely, if not inevitable, given the FTC’s recent blitz of activity in the tech sector. That includes not just enforcement matters but an ambitious regulatory agenda.

Read the full piece here.