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Regulatory Comments Introduction On 11 October 2022, João Maia (Federal Deputy, Partido Liberal) proposed Bill 2768/22 (“Bill 2768” or “Bill”) on digital market regulation.[1] Bill 2768 is . . .
On 11 October 2022, João Maia (Federal Deputy, Partido Liberal) proposed Bill 2768/22 (“Bill 2768” or “Bill”) on digital market regulation.[1] Bill 2768 is Brazil’s response to global trends toward the ex-ante regulation of digital platforms, and was at least partially inspired by the EU’s Digital Markets Act (“DMA”).[2] In our contribution to the public consultation on Bill 2768 (“Consultation”),[3] however, we argue that Brazil should be wary of importing untested regulation into its own, unique context. Rather than impulsively replicating the EU’s latest regulatory whim, Brazil should adopt a more methodical, evidence-based approach. Sound regulation requires that new rules be underpinned by a clear vision of the specific market failures they aim to address, as well as an understanding of the costs and potential unintended consequences. Unfortunately, Bill 2768 fails to meet these prerequisites. As we show in our response to the Consultation, it is far from clear that competition law in Brazil has failed to address issues in digital markets to the extent that would make sui generis digital regulation necessary. Indeed, it is unlikely that there are any truly “essential facilities” in the Brazilian digital market that would make access regulation necessary, or that “data” represents an unsurmountable barrier to entry. Other aspects of the Bill—such as the designation of Anatel as the relevant enforcer, the extremely low turnover thresholds used to ascertain gatekeeper status, and the lack of consideration given to consumer welfare as a relevant parameter in establishing harm or claiming an exemption—are also misguided. As it stands, therefore, Bill 2768 not only risks straining Brazil’s limited public resources, but also harming innovation, consumer prices, and the country’s thriving startup ecosystem.
Identification of “essential facilities” in the universe of digital markets. Give examples of platform assets in the digital market operating in Brazil where at the same time: a) there are no digital platforms with substitute assets close to these assets b) these assets are difficult to duplicate efficiently at least close to the owning company c) without access to this asset, it would not be possible to operate in one or more markets, as it constitutes a fundamental input. Justify each of the examples given.
For the reasons we discuss below, it is unlikely that there are any examples of true “essential facilities” in digital markets in Brazil.
It important to define the meaning of “essential facility” precisely. The concept of essential facility is a state-of-the-art term used in competition law, which has been defined differently across jurisdictions. Still, the overarching idea of the essential facilities doctrines is that there are instances in which denial of access to a facility by an incumbent can distort competition. To demarcate between cases where denial of access constitutes a legitimate expression of competition on the merits from instances in which it indicates anticompetitive conduct, however, courts and competition authorities have devised a series of tests.
Thus, in the EU, the seminal Bronner case established that the essential facilities doctrine applies in Art. 102 TFEU cases when:
In addition, the facility must be genuinely “essential” to compete, not merely convenient.
Similarly, CADE has incorporated the essential facilities doctrine into Brazilian competition policy by imposing a duty to deal with competitors.[5]
The definition of “essential facilities” and, consequently, the breadth and limits of the essential facilities doctrine under Bill 2768/2022 (“Bill 2768”) should reflect tried and tested principles from competition law. There is no reason why essential facilities should be treated differently in “digital” markets, i.e., markets involving digital platforms, than in other markets. In this sense, we are concerned that the framing of Question 1 reveals an inconsistency that should be addressed before moving forward; namely, when a company’s assets are “difficult” to replicate efficiently, it is justified to force a competitor to grant access to those assets. This is misguided and could even produce the opposite of what Bill 2768 presumably aims to achieve.
As indicated above, the fundamental concept underpinning the essential facilities doctrine is that it applies to a product or service that is uneconomic or impossible to duplicate. Typically, this has applied to infrastructure, such as telecommunications or railways. For instance, expecting competitors to duplicate transport routes, such as railways, would be unrealistic — and economically wasteful. Instead, governments have often chosen to regulate these sectors as natural monopoly public utilities. Predominantly, this includes mandating access to all comers to such essential facilities under regulated prices and non-discriminatory conditions that make the activity of other companies viable and competitive—thus facilitating competition on a secondary market in situations in which competition might otherwise be impossible.
The government should ask itself to what extent this logic applies to so-called digital platforms, however.
Online search engines, for example, are not impossible or excessively difficult to replicate—nor is access to any one of them indispensable. Today, many search engines are on the market: Bing, Yandex, Ecosia, DuckDuckGo, Yahoo!, Google, Baidu, Ask.com, and Swisscows, among others.
More to the point, mere access to search engines isn’t really a problem. Rather, in most cases, those complaining about a search engine’s activity typically complain about access to the very first results, or they complain about the search engine prioritizing its own secondary-market services over those of the competitor. But this space is vanishingly scarce; there is no way for it to be allocated to all comers. Nor can it be allocated on neutral terms; by definition, a search engine must prioritize results.
Treating a search engine as an essential facility would generate problematic outcomes. For example, mandating non-discriminatory access to a search engine’s top results would be like requiring that a railroad offer service to all shippers at whatever time the shipper liked, regardless of railroad congestion, other shippers’ timetables, and the railroad’s optimization of its schedule. Not only would this be impossible, but it isn’t even required of traditional essential facilities.
Notably, while ranking high on a search engine results page is undoubtedly a boon for business, there are other ways of reaching customers. Indeed, as CADE ruled in a case concerning Google Shopping, even if the first page of Google’s result is relevant and important to ranked websites, it is not irreplaceable to the extent that there are other ways for consumers to find websites online. Google is not a mandatory intermediary for website access.[6] Moreover, as noted, search results pages must, by definition, discriminate in order to function correctly. Deeming them essential facilities would entail endless wrangling (and technically complicated determinations) to decide if the search engine’s prioritization decisions were “proper” or not.
Similarly, online retail platforms like Amazon and Mercado Livre are very successful and convenient, but sellers can use other methods to reach customers. For example, they can sell from brick-and-mortar stores or easily set up their own retail websites using myriad software-as-a-service (“SaaS”) providers to facilitate processing and fulfilling orders. Furthermore, the concurrent presence and success of Mercado Livre, B2W (Submarino.com, Americanas.com, Shoptime, Soubarato), Cnova (Extra.com.br, Casasbahia.com.br, Pontofrio.com), Magazine Louiza, and Amazon on the Brazilian market belies the claim that any one of these platforms is indispensable or irreplicable.[7]
Similar arguments can be made about the other digital platforms covered by Art. 6, paragraph II of Bill 2768. For example, WhatsApp may be by far the most popular interpersonal communication service in the country. Still, there are plenty of alternatives within easy (and mostly free) reach for Brazilian consumers, such as Messenger (62 million users), Telegram (30 million), Instagram (64 million), Viber (3 million), Hangouts (2 million), WeChat (1 million), Kik (500,000 users), and Line (1 million users). The sheer number of users of every app suggests that multi-homing is widespread.
In sum, while access to a particular digital platform may be convenient, especially if it is currently the most popular among users, it is highly questionable whether such access is essential. And, as Advocate General Jacobs noted in his opinion in Bronner, mere convenience does not create a right of access under the essential facilities doctrine.[8]
Recommendation: Bill 2768 should make it clear that the principles and requirements of “essential facilities” within the meaning of competition law apply in full to the duties and obligations contemplated in Art. 10 — and that the finding of an “essential facility” is a prerequisite to the imposition of any such duties or obligations.
Is regulation necessary to guarantee access to the asset(s) of the example(s) from Question 1? What should such regulation guarantee so that access to the asset enables third parties to enter those digital markets?
Before considering whether regulation is necessary to guarantee access to assets of certain companies, the government should first consider whether guaranteeing any such access is necessary and legitimate. In our response to Question 1, we have argued that it is unlikely to be. If the government nevertheless decides to the contrary, the next logical question should be whether competition law, including the essential facilities doctrine itself, are sufficient to address any such alleged problems as are identified in Question 2.
Arguably, the best way to answer this question would be through the natural experiment of letting CADE bring cases against digital platforms — assuming it can construct a prima facie case in each instance — and seeing whether or not traditional competition law tools provide a viable solution and, if not, whether these tools can be sharpened by reforming Brazil’s competition law or whether new, comprehensive ex-ante regulation is needed.
By comparison, the EU experimented with EU competition law before passing the DMA. In fact, most if not all the prohibitions and obligations of the DMA stem from competition law cases.[9] The EU eventually decided that it preferred to pass blanket ex-ante rules against certain practices rather than having to litigate through competition law. Whether or not this was the right decision is up for debate, but one thing is certain: The EU tried its competition toolkit extensively against digital platforms before learning from the outcomes and deciding it needed to be complemented with a new set of broader, enforcer-friendly, bright-line rules.
By contrast, Brazil has initiated only a handful of antitrust cases against digital platforms. According to numbers published by CADE,[10] CADE has reviewed 233 merger cases related to digital platform markets between 1995 and 2023 and, regarding unilateral conduct (monopolization cases)—those most relevant for the discussion on Bill 2768—opened 23 conduct cases. Regarding those 23 cases, 9 are still being investigated, 11 were dismissed, and only 3 were settled by the signature of a Cease-and-Desist Agreement (TCC). In this sense, only 3 cases (TCCs) out of 23 could be said to have been, to some extent, “condemned”. It is questionable whether these cases provide the sort of evidence of the existence of intrinsic competition problems in the eight service markets identified in Art. 6, paragraph II of Bill 2768 that would justify new, “sector-specific” access rules.[11]
In fact, the recent entry of companies into many of those markets suggests that the opposite is closer to the truth. There are numerous examples of entry in a variety of digital services, including the likes of TikTok, Shein, Shopee, and Daki, to name just a few.
Serious problems can arise when products that are not essential facilities are treated as such, of which we name two.
First, over-extending the essential facilities doctrine can encourage free riding.[12] This is not what the essential facilities doctrine, properly understood, aims to achieve, nor what it should be used for:
Consequently, the [European Court of Justice] implies that the [essential facilities doctrine] is not designed for the convenience of undertakings to free ride dominant undertakings, but only for the necessity of survival on the secondary market in situations where there are no effective substitutes.[13]
Why develop a competing online retail platform when access to Mercado Livre or Amazon is guaranteed by law? Free riding can discourage investments from third companies and targeted “gatekeepers,” especially in the development and improvement of competing business platforms (or alternative business models that are not exact replicas of existing platforms). Contrary to the stated goals of Bill 2768, this could further entrench incumbents, as the ability to free ride on others’ investments incentivizes companies to pivot away from contesting incumbents’ core markets to acting as complementors in those markets.
Indeed, a serious—and underappreciated—concern is the cost of excessive risk-taking by companies that can rely on regulatory protections to ensure continued viability even when it is not warranted.
Businesses must develop their business models and operate their businesses in recognition of the risk involved. A complementor that makes itself dependent upon a platform for distribution of its content does take a risk. Although it may benefit from greater access to users, it places itself at the mercy of the other — or at least faces great difficulty (and great cost) adapting to unanticipated platform changes over which it has no control. This is a species of the “asset specificity” problem that animates much of the Transaction Cost Economics literature.[14]
But the risk may be a calculated one. Firms occupy specialized positions in supply chains throughout the economy, and they make risky, asset-specific investments all the time. In most circumstances, firms use contracts to allocate both risk and responsibility in a way that makes the relationship viable. When it is too difficult to manage risk by contract, firms may vertically integrate (thus aligning their incentives) or simply go their separate ways.
The fact that a platform creates an opportunity for complementors to rely upon it does not mean that a firm’s decision to do so — and to do so without a viable contingency plan — makes good business sense. In the case of the comparison-shopping sites at issue in the EU’s Google Shopping decision,[15] for example, it was entirely predictable that Google’s algorithm would evolve. It was also entirely predictable that it would evolve in ways that could diminish or even eviscerate their traffic. As one online marketing expert put it, “counting on search engine traffic as your primary traffic source is a bit foolish, to say the least.”[16]
Providing guarantees (which is what a “gatekeeper” access rule accomplishes) in this situation creates a significant problem: Protecting complementors from the inherent risk in a business model in which they are entirely dependent upon another company with which they have no contractual relationship is at least as likely to encourage excessive risk taking and inefficient over-investment as it is to ensure that investment and innovation are not too low.[17]
Second, granting companies and competitors access to goods or services except in the very few and narrow cases[18] in which access to such goods and services is truly essential to sustain competition on the market sends platforms the wrong message. The message is that, after being encouraged to compete, successful companies will be punished for thriving. This is contrary to the spirit of competition law and the principle of free competition, which Bill 2768 should be careful not to eviscerate. As the great U.S. jurist Learned Hand observed in U.S. v. Aluminum Co. of America: “The successful competitor, having been urged to compete, must not be turned upon when he wins.”[19]
Furthermore, forcing companies to do business with third parties is at odds with the principle that, unless a violation of antitrust law can be ascertained, companies should be free to do business with whomever they choose.[20] Indeed, it is a cornerstone of the free market economy that “the antitrust laws [do] not impose a duty on [firms] . . . to assist [competitors] . . . to ‘survive or expand.’”[21]
Describe cases in digital markets where there is at least one other company with substitute assets close to these assets of the main company, but none of the digital platforms that hold the asset provide access to it. In other words, even if there is more than one asset in the market, there is still a problem of accessing the asset. How could Bill 2768/2022, especially its article 10, be improved to improve access to essential supplies?
We are aware of no such cases.
Describe cases in which the ownership of data in digital markets creates a barrier to entry that makes it very difficult or even impossible for incumbent digital platforms to enter the market. How could Bill 2768/2022 mitigate this problem, reducing the barrier to entry represented by access to data?
The extent to which data represents a barrier to entry is, in our opinion, vastly overstated. Bill 2768 should not assume that data is a barrier to entry and should assess claims to the contrary critically — especially if it intends to build a new, comprehensive regulatory regime on that assumption.[22]
In a nutshell, theories of “data as a barrier to entry” make the assertion that online data can amount to a barrier to entry, insulating incumbent services from competition and ensuring that only the largest providers thrive. This data barrier to entry, it is alleged, can then allow firms with monopoly power to harm consumers, either directly through “bad acts” like price discrimination, or indirectly by raising the costs of advertising, which then get passed on to consumers.[23]
However, the notion of data as an antitrust-relevant barrier to entry is more supposition than reality.
First, despite the rush to embrace “digital platform exceptionalism,” data is useful to all industries. “Data” is not some new phenomenon particular to online companies. It bears repeating that offline retailers also receive substantial benefit from, and greatly benefit consumers by, knowing more about what consumers want and when they want it. Through devices like coupons, membership discounts and loyalty cards (to say nothing of targeted mailing lists and the age-old practice of data mining check-out receipts), brick-and-mortar retailers can track purchase data and better serve consumers. Not only do consumers receive better deals for using them, but retailers know what products to stock and advertise and when and on what products to run sales.[24]
Of course, there are a host of other uses for data, as well, including security, fraud prevention, product optimization, risk reduction to the insured, knowing what content is most interesting to readers, etc. The importance of data stretches far beyond the online world, and far beyond mere retail uses more generally. To describe any one company as having a monopoly on data is therefore mistaken.
Second, it is not the amount of data that leads to success, but how that data is used to craft attractive products or services for users. In other words: information is important to companies because of the value that can be drawn from it, not for the inherent value of the data itself. Thus, many companies that accumulated vast amounts of data were subsequently unable to turn that data into a competitive advantage to succeed on the market. For instance, Orkut, AOL, Friendster, Myspace, Yahoo! and Flicker — to name a few — all gained immense popularity and access to significant amounts of data, but failed to retain their users because their products were ultimately lackluster.
Data is not only less important than what can be drawn from it, but data is also less important than the underlying product it informs. For instance, Snapchat created a challenger to Facebook so successfully (and in such a short time) that Facebook attempted to buy it for $3 billion (Google offered $4 billion). But Facebook’s interest in Snapchat was not about its data. Instead, Snapchat was valuable — and a competitive challenge to Facebook — because it cleverly incorporated the (apparently novel) insight that many people wanted to share information in a more private way.
Relatedly, Twitter, Instagram, LinkedIn, Yelp, TikTok (and Facebook itself) all started with little (or no) data but nevertheless found success. Meanwhile, despite its supposed data advantages, Google’s attempt at social networking, Google+, never caught up to Facebook in terms of popularity to users (and thus not to advertisers either) and shut down in 2019.
At the same, it is not the case that the alleged data giants — the ones supposedly insulating themselves behind data barriers to entry — actually have the type of data most relevant to startups anyway. As Andres Lerner has argued, if you wanted to start a travel business, the data from Kayak or Priceline (or local Decolar.com) would be far more relevant.[25] Or if you wanted to start a ride-sharing business, data from cab companies would be more useful than the broad, market-cross-cutting profiles Google and Facebook have. Consider companies like Uber and 99 that had no customer data when they began to challenge established cab companies that did possess such data. If data were really so significant, they could never have competed successfully. But Uber and 99 have been able to effectively compete because they built products that users wanted to use — they came up with an idea for a better mousetrap. The data they have accrued came after they innovated, entered the market, and mounted their successful challenges — not before.
Complaints about data facilitating unassailable competitive advantages thus have it exactly backwards. Companies need to innovate to attract consumer data, otherwise consumers will switch to competitors (including both new entrants and established incumbents). As a result, the desire to make use of more and better data drives competitive innovation, with manifestly impressive results: The continued explosion of new products, services and other apps is evidence that data is not a bottleneck to competition but a spur to drive it.
Third, competition online is (metaphorically—but not by much) one click or thumb swipe away. That is, barriers to entry and switching costs are low. Indeed, despite the alleged prevalence of data barriers to entry, competition online continues to soar, with newcomers constantly emerging and triumphing. The entry of online retailers and other digital platforms in Brazil is a case in point (See Questions 1 and 2). This suggests that the barriers to entry are not so high as to prevent robust competition.
Again, despite the supposed data-based monopolies of Facebook, Google, Amazon, Apple, and others, there exist powerful competitors in the markets they compete in:
Even assuming for the sake of argument that data creates a barrier to entry, there is little evidence that consumers cannot easily switch to a competitor. While there are sometimes network effects online, like with social networking, history still shows that people will switch. Myspace was considered a dominant network until it made a series of bad business decisions, and users ended up on Facebook instead; Orkut had a similar fate. Similarly, Internet users can and do use Bing, DuckDuckGo, Yahoo!, and a plethora of more specialized search engines on top of and instead of Google, and increasingly also turn to other ways to find information online (such as searching for a brand or restaurant directly on Instagram or TikTok, or asking ChatGPT a question). In fact, Google itself was once an upstart new entrant that replaced once-household names like Yahoo! and AltaVista.
Fourth, access to data is not exclusive. Data is not like oil. If, for example, Petrobras drills and extracts oil from the ground, that oil is no longer available to other companies. Data is not finite in the same way. Google knowing someone’s birthday doesn’t limit the ability of Facebook to know the same person’s birthday, as well. While databases may be proprietary, the underlying data is not. And what matters more than the data itself is how well it is analyzed (see first point). Because data is not exclusive like oil, any attempt to force the sharing of data in an attempt to help competitors creates a free-riding problem. Why go through the work of collecting valuable data on customers to learn what they want so you can better serve them when regulation mandates that Apple effectively give you the data?
In conclusion, the problem with granting competitors access to data is that data is a consequence of competition, not a prerequisite for it. Thus, rather than enhancing their ability to compete, “gifting” competitors the fruits of others’ successful attempts at competition risks destroying both groups’ incentives to design attractive products to accrue such data in the first place. By reversing the competition-data causality, Bill 2768 ultimately risks inadvertently stifling the same competition that it purportedly seeks to bolster.
Cite cases in which a company in the digital market in Brazil used third-party data because of its characteristic as an essential input provider, harming the third party competitively?
We are not aware of any such cases.
However, the framing of this question should be clear about what is meant by “harming a third party competitively.” The use of third-party data is a key driver of competition. Even if competitors are “harmed” as a result, they are harmed only insofar as they do not match the price or quality offered by the platform.
Competition is, to a large extent, driven by the use of knowledge of rivals’ products — including their price, quality, quantity, and how they are sold and presented to consumers. In fact, the model of perfect competition largely assumes that all the products on the market are homogeneous (even if this is rarely borne out in practice). The use of third-party data to match and beat competitor’s offerings can be seen as a modern expression of this dynamic. Indeed, as we have written before:
We cannot assume that something is bad for competition just because it is bad for certain competitors. A lot of unambiguously procompetitive behavior, like cutting prices, also tends to make life difficult for competitors. The same is true when a digital platform provides a service that is better than alternatives provided by the site’s third-party sellers. […]. There’s no doubt this is unpleasant for merchants that have to compete with these offerings. But it is also no different from having to compete with more efficient rivals who have lower costs or better insight into consumer demand. Copying products and seeking ways to offer them with better features or at a lower price, which critics of self-preferencing highlight as a particular concern, has always been a fundamental part of market competition—indeed, it is the primary way competition occurs in most markets.[26]
We cannot assume that something is bad for competition just because it is bad for certain competitors. A lot of unambiguously procompetitive behavior, like cutting prices, also tends to make life difficult for competitors. The same is true when a digital platform provides a service that is better than alternatives provided by the site’s third-party sellers. […].
There’s no doubt this is unpleasant for merchants that have to compete with these offerings. But it is also no different from having to compete with more efficient rivals who have lower costs or better insight into consumer demand. Copying products and seeking ways to offer them with better features or at a lower price, which critics of self-preferencing highlight as a particular concern, has always been a fundamental part of market competition—indeed, it is the primary way competition occurs in most markets.[26]
Any per se prohibition of the use of third-party data would preclude digital platforms from using data to improve their product offering in ways that could benefit consumers.
Recommendation: Assuming that competition law and IP law are not up to the task of curbing abuses of third-party data, Bill 2768 should ensure that such prohibitions are tailor-made to cover conduct that has no other rational explanation other than seeking to exclude a competitor. It should not capture uses of third-party data that drives competition and benefit consumers, even if this results in the exit of a competitor from the market.
Describe cases in which a difficulty in interoperability with a company’s systems makes it very difficult or impossible to enter one or more digital markets. How could Bill 2768/2022 mitigate this problem, reducing the barrier to entry represented by lack of interoperability?
However, when considering potential interoperability mandates, the government should be aware of the risks and trade-offs that come with such measures, especially in terms of safety, security, and privacy (see Question 8 for a more detailed discussion).
The European Digital Market Act (DMA) chose to implement absolute prohibitions (per se) on some conduct in digital markets, such as self-preferencing, among others. Bill 2768/2022, on the other hand, chose not to do any prohibited conduct ex ante. Should there be one or more conducts with absolute prohibitions (per se) in Bill 2768/2022? Why? Please propose wording, explaining where in the bill it would be located?
No, there should not be absolute prohibitions on these sorts of conduct, especially without substantive experience suggesting that such conduct is always or almost always harmful and largely irredeemable (in this item, we answer the question in general terms; please see Question 8 for a discussion of why particular conduct (e.g., self-preferencing) should not be prohibited).
Regardless of the harm to the business of the targeted companies, overly broad prohibitions (or mandates) can harm consumers by chilling procompetitive conduct and discouraging innovation and investment, especially when no showing of harm is required and the law is not amenable to efficiencies arguments (like in the case of the DMA). The fact that such prohibitions apply to vastly different markets (for example, cloud services have little to do with search engines) regardless of context is also a sure sign that they are overly broad and poorly designed.
In fact, there are indications that where the DMA has been introduced, it has delayed the advance of technology. For example, Google’s “Bard” AI was rolled out later in Europe due to the EU’s uncertain and strict AI And privacy regulations.[27] Similarly, Meta’s “Threads” is not available in the EU precisely due to the constraints imposed by the DMA and the EU’s data privacy regulation (GDPR).[28] Elon Musk, X’s (formerly Twitter) CEO, has indicated that the cost of complying with EU digital regulations, such as the DSA, could prompt it to exit the European market.[29] Recently, Microsoft delayed the European rollout of its new AI, “Copilot,” because of the DMA.[30]
Apart from capturing pro-competitive conduct that benefits consumers and freezing technology in time (which would ultimately exacerbate the technological chasm between more and less advanced countries), rigid per se rules could also capture many budding companies that cannot be considered “gatekeepers” by any stretch of the imagination. This risk is especially real in the case of Brazil given the extremely low threshold for what constitutes a “gatekeeper” enshrined in Article 9 (R$70 million, or approximately USD$14 million). Thus, many Brazilian unicorns could, either immediately or in the near future, be captured by the new, restrictive rules, which could stunt their growth and chill innovative products. Ultimately, this could imperil Brazil’s current status as “[Latin America’s] most established startup hub” and cast a shadow on what The Economist has referred to as the bright future of Latin American startups.[31]
The list of harmed companies could include some of Brazil’s most promising unicorns, such as:
Would there be behaviors in digital markets that would have a high potential to entail competitive problems, but which can be justified as generating greater efficiency for companies, transactions, and markets? Give examples of these behaviors? How should these behaviors be treated in Bill 2768/2022? In particular, a “reversal of the burden of proof” would be appropriate, in which such conduct would presumably be anti-competitive, but would it be appropriate to authorize a defense of digital platforms based on these efficiencies? Should these behaviors be considered not prohibited per se, but as a “reversal of the burden of proof” in Bill 2768/2022?
There are certain types of behavior in digital markets that have been targeted by ex-ante regulations but which are nevertheless capable of, or even central to, delivering significant procompetitive benefits. It would be unjustified and harmful to subject such conduct to per se prohibitions or to reverse the burden of proof. Instead, this type of conduct should be approached neutrally, and examined on a case-by-case basis.[33]
Self-preferencing occurs when a company gives preferential treatment to one of its own products (presumably, this type of behavior could be caught by Art. 10, paragraph II of Bill 2768). An example would be Google displaying its shopping service at the top of search results ahead of alternative shopping services. Critics of this practice argue that it puts dominant firms in competition with other firms that depend on their services, and this allows companies to leverage their power in one market to gain a foothold in an adjacent market, thus expanding and consolidating their dominance. However, this behavior can also be procompetitive and beneficial to users.
Over the past several years, a growing number of critics have argued that big tech platforms harm competition by favoring their own content over that of their complementors. Over time, this argument against self-preferencing has become one of the most prominent among those seeking to impose novel regulatory restrictions on these platforms.
According to this line of argument, complementors would be “at the mercy” of tech platforms. By discriminating in favor of their own content and against independent “edge providers,” tech platforms cause “the rewards for edge innovation [to be] dampened by runaway appropriation,” leading to “dismal” prospects “for independents in the internet economy—and edge innovation generally.”[34]
The problem, however, is that the claims of presumptive harm from self-preferencing (also known as “vertical discrimination”) are based neither on sound economics nor evidence.
The notion that platform entry into competition with edge providers is harmful to innovation is entirely speculative. Moreover, it is flatly contrary to a range of studies showing that the opposite is likely true. In reality, platform competition is more complicated than simple theories of vertical discrimination would have it,[35] and the literature establishes that there is certainly no basis for a presumption of harm.[36]
The notion that platforms should be forced to allow complementors to compete on their own terms, free of constraints or competition from platforms is a species of the idea that platforms are most socially valuable when they are most “open.” But mandating openness is not without costs, most importantly in terms of the effective operation of the platform and its own incentives for innovation.
“Open” and “closed” platforms are different ways of supplying similar services, and there is scope for competition between these alternative approaches. By prohibiting self-preferencing, a regulator might therefore close down competition to the detriment of consumers. As we have noted elsewhere:
For Apple (and its users), the touchstone of a good platform is not ‘openness,’ but carefully curated selection and security, understood broadly as encompassing the removal of objectionable content, protection of privacy, and protection from ‘social engineering’ and the like. By contrast, Android’s bet is on the open platform model, which sacrifices some degree of security for the greater variety and customization associated with more open distribution. These are legitimate differences in product design and business philosophy.[37]
Moreover, it is important to note that the appropriation of edge innovation and its incorporation into the platform (a commonly decried form of platform self-preferencing) greatly enhances the innovation’s value by sharing it more broadly, ensuring its coherence with the platform, incentivizing optimal marketing and promotion, and the like. Smartphones are now a collection of many features that used to be offered separately, such as phones, calculators, cameras and gaming consoles, and it is clear that the incorporation of these features in a single device has brought immense benefits to consumers and society as a whole. In other words, even if there is a cost in terms of reduced edge innovation, the immediate consumer welfare gains from platform appropriation may well outweigh those (speculative) losses.
Crucially, platforms have an incentive to optimize openness (and to assure complementors of sufficient returns on their platform-specific investments). This does not mean that maximum openness is optimal, however; in fact, typically a well-managed platform will exert top-down control where doing so is most important, and openness where control is least meaningful.[38]
But this means that it is impossible to know whether any particular platform constraint (including self-prioritization) on edge provider conduct is deleterious, and similarly whether any move from more to less openness (or the reverse) is harmful.
This is the situation that leads to the indeterminate and complex structure of platform enterprises. Consider the big online platforms like Google and Facebook, for example. These entities elicit participation from users and complementors by making access to their platforms freely available for a wide range of uses, exerting control over access only in limited ways to ensure high quality and performance. At the same time, however, these platform operators also offer proprietary services in competition with complementors or offer portions of the platform for sale or use only under more restrictive terms that facilitate a financial return to the platform.
The key is understanding that, while constraints on complementors’ access and use may look restrictive compared to an imaginary world without any restrictions, in such a world the platform would not be built in the first place. Moreover, compared to the other extreme — full appropriation (under which circumstances the platform also would not be built…) — such constraints are relatively minor and represent far less than full appropriation of value or restriction on access. As Jonathan Barnett aptly sums it up:
The [platform] therefore faces a basic trade-off. On the one hand, it must forfeit control over a portion of the platform in order to elicit user adoption. On the other hand, it must exert control over some other portion of the platform, or some set of complementary goods or services, in order to accrue revenues to cover development and maintenance costs (and, in the case of a for-profit entity, in order to capture any remaining profits).[39]
For instance, companies may choose to favor their own products or services because they are better able to guarantee their quality or quick delivery.[40] Mercado Livre, for instance, may be better placed to ensure that products provided by the ‘Mercado Envios logistics service are delivered in a timely manner compared to other services. Consumers may benefit from self-preferencing in other ways, too. If, for instance, Google were prevented from prioritizing Google Maps or YouTube videos in its search queries, it could be harder for users to find optimal and relevant results. If Amazon is prohibited from preferencing its own line of products on the marketplace, it may instead opt not to sell competitors’ products at all.
The power to prohibit the requiring or incentivizing of customers of one product to use another would enable the limiting or prevention of self-preferencing and other similar behavior. Granted, traditional competition law has sought to restrict the ‘bundling’ of products by requiring them to be purchased together, but to prohibit incentivization as well goes much further.
Another mot du jour is interoperability, which might fall under Art. 10, paragraph IV of Bill 2768. In the context of digital ex ante regulation, ‘interoperability’ means that covered companies could be forced to ensure that their products integrate with those of other firms. For example, requiring a social network to be open to integration with other services and apps, a mobile operating system to be open to third-party app stores, or a messaging service to be compatible with other messaging services. Without regulation, firms may or may not choose to make their software interoperable. However, Europe’s DMA and the UK’s prospective Digital Markets, Competition and Consumer Bill (“DMCC”),[41] will allow authorities to require it. Another example is data ‘portability,’ which allows customers to move their data from one supplier to another, in the same way that a telephone number can be kept when one changes network.
The usual argument is that the power to require interoperability might be necessary to ‘overcome network effects and barriers to entry/expansion.’ However, the Brazilian government should not overlook that this solution comes with costs to consumer choice, in particular by raising difficulties with security and privacy, as well as having questionable benefits for competition. In fact, it is not as though competition disappears when customers cannot switch as easily as they turn on a light. Companies compete upfront to attract such consumers through tactics like penetration pricing, introductory offers, and price wars.[42]
A closed system, that is, one with comparatively limited interoperability, can help limit security and privacy risks. This can encourage use of the platform and enhance the user experience. For example, by remaining relatively closed and curated, Apple’s App Store gives users the assurance that apps will meet a certain standard of security and trustworthiness. Thus, ‘open’ and ‘closed’ ecosystems are not synonymous with ‘good’ and ‘bad,’ and instead represent two different product design philosophies, either of which might be preferred by consumers. By forcing companies to operate ‘open’ platforms, interoperability obligations could thus undermine this kind of inter-brand competition and override consumer choices.
Apart from potentially damaging user experience, it is also doubtful whether some of the interoperability mandates, such as those between social media or messaging services, can achieve their stated objective of lowering barriers to entry and promoting greater competition. Consumers are not necessarily more likely to switch platforms simply because they are interoperable. In fact, there is an argument to be made that making messaging apps interoperable in fact reduces the incentive to download competing apps, as users can already interact with competitors’ apps from the incumbent messaging app.
Some ex-ante rules seek to address firms’ ability to influence user choice of apps through pre-installation, defaults, and the design of app stores (this could fall under Art. 10, paragraph II of Bill 2768). This has sometimes resulted in the imposition of requirements to provide users with ‘choice screens,’ for instance requiring users to choose which search engine or mapping service is installed on their phone. In this sense, it is important to understand the trade-offs at play here: choice screens may facilitate competition, but they may do so at the expense of the user experience, in terms of the time taken to make such choices. There is a risk, without evidence of consumer demand for ‘choice screens,’ that such rules impose the legislator’s preference for greater optionality over what is most convenient for users. Unless there is explicit public demand in Brazil for such measures, it would be ill-advised to implement a choice screen obligation.
In general, many of the prohibitions and obligations contemplated in ex-ante rules target incumbents’ size, scalability, and “strategic significance.”
It is widely claimed that because of network effects, digital markets are prone to ‘tipping’ whereby when one producer gains a sufficient share of the market, it quickly becomes a complete or near-complete monopolist. Although they may begin as very competitive, these markets therefore exhibit a marked ‘winner takes all’ characteristic. Ex ante rules often try to avert or revert this outcome by targeting a company’s size, or by targeting companies with market power.
However, there are many investments and innovations that will – if permitted – benefit consumers, either immediately or in the longer term, but which may have some effect on enhancing market power, a companies’ size, or its strategic significance. Indeed, improving a firm’s products and thereby increasing its sales will often lead to increased market power.
Accordingly, targeting “size” or conduct which bolsters market power, without any accompanying evidence of harm, creates a serious danger of a very broad inhibition of research, innovation, and investment – all to the detriment of consumers. Insofar as such rules prevent the growth and development of incumbent firms, they may also harm competition, since it may well be these firms that – if permitted – are most likely to challenge the market power of other firms in other, adjacent markets. The cases of Disney, Apple, Amazon and Globo’s launch of video-on-demand services to compete with Netflix, and Meta’s introduction of ‘Threads’ as a challenge to Twitter (or ‘X’), appear to be an example. Here, per se rules that have the aim of prohibiting the bolstering of size or market power in one area may in fact prevent entry by one firm into a market dominated by another. In that case, policymaker action protects monopoly power. Therefore, a much subtler approach to regulation is required.
Bill 2768’s reference to Tim Wu’s The Curse of Bigness, which notoriously adopts a reductive “big is bad” ethos, suggests that it could be making a similarly flawed assumption.[43]
We do not think it is appropriate to reverse the burden of proof in any instances in the context of digital platforms. Without substantive evidence that such conduct causes widespread harm to a well-defined public interest (e.g., similar to cartels in the context of antitrust law), there is no justification for a reversal of the burden of proof, and any such reversal of the burden of proof risks undermining consumer benefits, innovation, and discouraging investment in the Brazilian economy for a justified fear that procompetitive conduct will result in fines and remedies. By the same token, we do think that where the appointed enforcer makes a prima facie case of harm, whether in the context of antitrust law or ex-ante digital regulation, it should also be prepared to address arguments related to efficiencies.
Is there a need for a regulator? If so, which regulator would be better able to implement the regulation provided for in Bill 2768/2022? Anatel, CADE, ANPD, another existing or new regulator? Justify.
Despite the lack of clarity concerning the law’s goals and objectives, the rules proposed by Bill 2768 appear to be competition based, at least insofar as they seek to bolster free competition, consumer protection, and tackle “abuse of economic power” (Art. 4). Therefore, the agency best positioned to enforce it would, in principle, be CADE (the goals of Act 12.529/11, the Brazilian Competition Law, overlap significantly with those under Bill 2768). Conversely, there is a palpable risk that, in discharging its duties under Bill 2768, Anatel would transpose the logic and principles of telecommunications regulation to “digital” markets, which is misguided as these are two very different things.
Not only are “digital” markets substantively different from telecommunications markets, but there is really no such thing as a clearly demarcated concept of “digital market.” For example, the digital platforms described in Art. 6, paragraph II of Bill 2768 are not homogenous, and cover a range of different business models. In addition, virtually every market today incorporates “digital” elements, such as data. Indeed, companies operating in sectors as divergent as retail, insurance, healthcare, pharma, production, and distribution have all been “digitalized.” Thus, an enforcer with a nuanced understanding of the dynamics of digitalization and, especially, the idiosyncrasies of digital platforms as two-sided markets, appears necessary. While CADE arguably lacks substantive experience with digital platforms, it is better placed to enforce Bill 2768 than Anatel because of its deep experience with the enforcement of competition policy.
Do you think that there could be any risk of bis in idem between the regulator and the competition authority with the same conduct being analyzed by both?
Based on the EU experience, there is a risk of double jeopardy at the intersection of traditional competition law and ex-ante digital regulation.
By way of comparison, and as Giuseppe Colangelo has written, the DMA is grounded explicitly on the notion that competition law alone is insufficient to effectively address the challenges and systemic problems posed by the digital platform economy.[44] Indeed, the scope of antitrust is limited to certain instances of market power (e.g., dominance on specific markets) and of anti-competitive behavior. Further, its enforcement occurs ex post and requires extensive investigation on a case-by-case basis of what are often very complex sets of facts and may not effectively address the challenges to well-functioning markets posed by the conduct of gatekeepers, who are not necessarily dominant in competition-law terms — or so its proponents argue. As a result, regimes like the DMA invoke regulatory intervention to complement traditional antitrust rules by introducing a set of ex ante obligations for online platforms designated as gatekeepers. This also allows enforcers to dispense with the laborious process of defining relevant markets, proving dominance, and measuring market effects.
However, despite claims that the DMA is not an instrument of competition law, and thus would not affect how antitrust rules apply in digital markets, the regime does appear to blur the line between regulation and antitrust by mixing their respective features and goals. Indeed, the DMA shares the same aims and protects the same legal interests as competition law.
Further, its list of prohibitions is effectively a synopsis of past and ongoing antitrust cases, such as Google Shopping (Case T-612/17), Apple (AT.40437) and Amazon (Cases AT.40462 and AT.40703).[45] Acknowledging the continuum between competition law and the DMA, the European Competition Network (ECN) and some EU member states (self-anointed “friends of an effective DMA”) initially proposed empowering national competition authorities (NCAs) to enforce DMA obligations.[46]
Similarly, the prohibitions and obligations contemplated in Art. 10 of Bill 2768 could, in theory, all be imposed by CADE. In fact, CADE has investigated, and is still investigating, several large companies which would (likely) fall within the purview of Bill 2768, such as Google, Apple, Meta, (still under investigation) Booking.com, Decolar.com, Expedia and iFood (settled through case-and-desist agreements), and Uber (all investigations closed without penalties; following an economic study, CADE found that Uber’s entry benefitted consumers[47]). CADE’s past and current investigations against these companies already covered conducts that are targeted by the DMA and Bill 2768, such as refusal to deal, self-preferencing, and discrimination.[48] Existing competition law under Act 12.529/11, the Brazilian Competition Law, thus clearly already captures the sort of conduct which is included under Bill 2768. In addition, the requirement to use data “adequately” is likely covered by data protection regulation in Brazil (Lei Geral de Proteção de Dados, LGPD, Lei Federal Nº 13.709/2018).
The difference between the two regimes is that, while general antitrust law requires a showing of harm (even if potential) and exempts conduct with net benefits to consumers, Bill 2768 in principle does not. The only limiting principle to the prohibitions and obligations contained in Art. 10 Art. 11 (III) is the principle of proportionality — which is a general principle of constitutional law and should, in any case, apply regardless of Bill 2768. Thus, the only limiting principle of Art. 10, framed broadly, is redundant.
There is one additional complication. Bill 2768 pursues many (though not all) of the same objectives as Act 12.529/11. Insofar as these objectives are shared, it could lead to double jeopardy i.e., the same conduct being punished twice under slightly different regimes. But it could also produce contradictory results because, as pointed out above, the objectives pursued by the two bills are not identical. Act 12.529/11 is guided by the goals of “free competition, freedom of initiative, social role of property, consumer protection and prevention of the abuse of economic power” (Art. 1). To these objectives, Bill 2768 adds “reduction of regional and social inequalities,” and “increase of social participation in matters of public interest.” While it is true that these principles derive from Art. 170 of the Brazilian Constitution (“economic order”), the mismatch between the goals of Act 12.529/11 and Bill 2768 and their enforcing authorities is sufficient as to lead to situations in which conduct that is allowed or even encouraged under Act 12.529/11 is prohibited under Bill 2768. For instance, procompetitive conduct by a covered platform could nevertheless exacerbate “regional or social inequalities” because it invests heavily in one region, but not others. In a similar vein, safety, privacy, and security measures implemented by, say, an operator of an App Store, which would typically be considered beneficial for consumers under antitrust law,[49] could feasibly lead to less participation in discussions of public interest (assuming one could easily define the meaning of such a term).
Accordingly, Bill 2768 could fragment Brazil´s legal framework due to overlaps with competition law, stifle procompetitive conduct, and lead to contradictory results. This, in turn, is likely to impact legal certainty and the rule of law in Brazil, which could adversely affect Foreign Direct Investment.[50] Furthermore, coordination between CADE and Anatel is likely to be costly, if the latter ends up being the designated enforcer of Bill 2768. Brazil would essentially have two Acts pursuing the same or similar goals being implemented by two different agencies, with all the extra compliance and coordination costs that come with such duplicity.
What is your assessment of the criteria of art. 9 of Bill 2768/2022? Should it be changed? By what criteria? Is it necessary to designate the essential service-to-service access control power holder?
This criterion seems arbitrary and, in any case, extremely low. There is no objective reason that would link “power to control access” with turnover. Furthermore, even if one admits, for the sake of argument, that turnover is a relevant indication of gatekeeper power, a R$70 million threshold would capture dozens, if not hundreds of companies active in a range of industries. This can lead to a situation in which a law that was initially — and purportedly — aimed at very specific “digital” firms, like Google, Amazon, Apple, Microsoft, etc., ends up, by and large, covering a host of other, comparatively small firms, including some of Brazil’s most valuable unicorns (see Question 7). On the other hand, it is also questionable from a rule of law perspective whether a law should seek to identify the specific companies it will apply to in advance.
Lessons can be drawn from the UK’s DMCC, which has made a similar mistake. Pursuant to the current proposal for a DMCC, the UK’s CMA will be able to designate a company as having “significant market status” (“SMS”) where it takes part in a ‘digital activity linked to the United Kingdom’, and, in relation to this digital activity, has ‘substantial and entrenched market power’ and is in ‘a position of strategic significance’ (s. 2), and has a turnover of at least £1 billion in the UK or £25 billion globally (s. 7).[51] The British government has previously stated that the ‘regime will be targeted at a small number of firms’.
However, except for the monetary threshold, the SMS criteria are all broadly defined, and could in theory capture as many as 530 companies (as of March 2022, there were 530 companies with more than £1 billion in revenue in the United Kingdom, according to the Office for National Statistics).[52] Thus, although the government claims that the new regime is aimed at a handful of companies, in practice the CMA will have the power to interfere in a variety of new ways across wide swaths of the economy.
Article 9 of Bill 2768 runs into a similar problem. Granted, it identifies the types of services to which the Bill would apply in a way that the DMCC does not. However, some of the categories envisaged are still very broad: for example, online intermediation services could cover any website that connects buyers and sellers or facilitates transactions between two parties. “Operating systems” are prevalent electronic devices well beyond Apple’s iOS and Google’s Android. Indeed, an operating system is just a program or set of programs of a computer system, which manages the physical resources (hardware), the execution protocols of the rest of the content (software), as well as the user interface. They can be found in many everyday devices, either through graphical user interfaces, desktop environments, window managers or command lines, depending on the nature of the device.
Companies delivering these services, no matter their competitive position, market share, the industry they are a part of, or any other economic or factual considerations, would all be caught by Bill 2768, as long as they fulfilled the (low) R$70 million threshold. The upshot is that the enforcer will be able to apply Bill 2768 against a host of wildly different companies, some of which might not really be in a position to harm competition or misuse their market power. As a consequence, the Bill risks discouraging growth, innovation and, indeed, success, as companies become wary of growing past a certain threshold for fear of being caught in the regulator’s crosshairs. Coupled with a reversal of the burden of proof and the possibility of ignoring efficiencies arguments, the Bill would give the enforcer massive, unchecked powers, which could raise rule of law issues.
This problem can be remedied, at least to some extent, by adding a series of qualitative criteria that may or may not work cumulatively with the quantitative thresholds laid down in the Bill. These criteria should require a showing that the companies in question control access to essential facilities, that such facilities cannot be reasonably replicated, and that access is being denied with the threat that competition on the market may be eliminated (refer to Question 1 for discussion on integrating the essential facilities doctrine into Bill 2768). In addition, Bill 2768 should leverage existing measurements of market power from competition law, such as the ability to control output and increase prices. Quantitative criteria, if used, should be significantly higher and also refer to the number of active users on each platform service covered. “Active user” should in this sense be defined as a user who uses a specific service at least once daily and, at a minimum, once weekly.
What did you think of the rules on the Digital Platforms Supervisory Fund in art. 15 of Bill 2768/2022? Is there another way to finance this type of government regulatory activity?
There are many ways of financing governmental regulatory activity that do not require the targeted companies to pay an annual tax. Government agencies are typically financed from the general government budget — and it should be the same for the agency enforcing Bill 2768.
There are at least two issues with the current approach under Art. 15. The first is capture. If an agency’s activity is funded by the regulated companies, this can lead to the capture of the agency by the regulated company and facilitate rent-seeking — i.e., the situation in which a company uses the regulator to gain an unfair advantage over rivals. Second, it also creates an incentive on the part of the agency, and the government, to widen the scope of the targeted companies, as a way to secure more funding and resources. This creates a perverse incentive that does not align with the public interest. It also discourages investment and, in a sense, is tantamount to a racket by the government.
Moreover, to the extent that the Bill operates as a direct and targeted constraint on certain companies’ exercise of their economic liberty and private property rights for the presumed benefit of the public welfare, it seems appropriate that it should be funded by general-revenue funds, apportioned according to current tax policy over the entire tax-paying population.
To what extent do you believe that all the problems addressed in Bill 2768/2022 are already adequately addressed by competition law, more specifically by CADE, with the instruments of Law No. 12,529 of 2011?
Please see the response to Question 10.
The fact that the government is asking this question at this stage in the process suggests that perhaps the scope and the particulars of Bill 2768 have not been thoroughly thought out. Bill 2768 should be passed only if it is clear that Brazilian competition law is not up to the task. By comparison, and as indicated in the answer to Question 10 above, virtually all of the conduct in the EU’s DMA has also been addressed through EU competition law — often in the Commission’s favor. However, the EU wanted to codify a set of rules that would ensure that the Commission did not have to litigate cases before the courts and would win every case — or at least the vast majority of cases — against digital platforms. But this decision, which one may or may not agree with, came after at least some experience applying competition law to digital platforms and a determination that the gains of such an approach would outweigh the manifest costs.
Conversely, Brazil’s CADE enjoys much more limited experience in this sense, and Brazil itself presents very different economic realities and consumer interests that may not yield the same cost/benefit analysis. As mentioned above, the only “penalties” CADE has imposed against “digital platforms” resulted from voluntary settlements, meaning there has been limited need to litigate “digital” cases in Brazil. There is a lingering sense that Bill 2768 has been proposed not in response to deficiencies in the existing competition law framework, or in response to identified needs particular to Brazil, but as a response to “global trends” initiated by the EU.
Art. 13 of Bill 2768, for example, provides that mergers by covered companies will be scrutinized pursuant to the general competition law rules applicable to other companies and in other sectors. It is unclear why the same logic could not apply across the board — i.e., to all potentially anticompetitive conduct by targeted companies. Why does some conduct which can be addressed through antitrust law necessitate special regulation, but not others?
What problems could be generated for the innovation activity of digital platforms if there is the regulation of digital platforms proposed by Bill 2768/2022? Could this be dealt with in any way within Bill 2768/2022?
Indeed, it is by no means clear that Brazil’s particular circumstances are amenable to an “ex ante” approach similar to that of the EU.
Broad prohibitions and obligations such as the ones imposed by Art. 10 of Bill 2768 risk chilling innovative conduct and freezing technology in place. As the tenth ranked country in the global information technology market and with hundreds of startups in the AI sector, Brazil is a burgeoning market with tremendous potential.[53] Its 214 million population means that growth trends are poised to continue — and, sure enough, the number of app jobs grew by 54% in 2023 compared to 2019.[54]
However, static, strict rules such as those envisioned by Bill 2768 can nip the growth of Brazilian startups in the bud by imposing unsurmountable regulatory costs (which would, in any case, benefit incumbents compared to smaller competitors) and banning conduct capable of fostering growth, benefiting consumers, and igniting competition, such as self-preferencing and refusal to deal.
Indeed, both practices can — and often are — socially beneficial. As discussed in Question 8, despite its recent malignment by some policymakers, “self-preferencing” is normal business conduct and a key reason for efficient vertical integration, which avoids double marginalization and allows companies to better coordinate production, distribution, and sale more efficiently — all to the ultimate benefits of consumers. For example, retail services such as Amazon self-preferencing their own delivery services, as in the case of “Fulfilled by Amazon,” gives consumers something they value tremendously: a guarantee of quick delivery. As we have written elsewhere:
Amazon’s granting marketplace privileges to [Fulfilled by Amazon] products may help users to select the products that Amazon can guarantee will best satisfy their needs. This is perfectly plausible, as customers have repeatedly shown that they often prefer less open, less neutral options.[55]
In a recent report, the Australian Competition Commission recognized as much, stating that self-preferencing is often benign and can lead to procompetitive benefits.[56] Indeed, there are many legitimate reasons why companies may choose to self-preference, including better customer experience, customer service, more relevant choice (curation), and lower prices.[57] Thus, banning self-preferencing, or otherwise significantly discouraging companies from engaging in self-preferencing, could hamstring company growth — including by Brazilian companies that are currently in an early stage of development — and impede market entry by companies who could have been innovators.
Similarly, forcing companies to deal with third parties could stifle innovation by incentivizing free-riding and discouraging companies from making investments. Indeed, why would a company innovate or invest if it knows it will then have to share such investments and innovations with passive rivals who have undertaken none of these risks? The consequence is a stalemate where, rather than fighting to be the first to innovate and enjoy the fruits borne of such innovation, companies are rather encouraged to game the system by waiting for others to make the first step and then free riding on their achievements. This essentially upends the process of dynamic competition by artificially rearranging the incentive to innovate and invest vs. the incentive to free ride, reducing the benefits of the former and increasing the benefits of the latter.
It would be catastrophic to drive a wedge in Brazil’s ability to grow its technology sector and innovate — especially considering the country’s vast potential. Indeed, rather than a triumph of regulation over innovation, Brazil should strive to be precisely the opposite.[58]
What would be the practical difficulties of applying this type of legislation contemplated by Bill 2768/2022?
Funds to finance what could be a considerable amount of enforcement are necessary, but not sufficient, to ensure effectiveness. In the EU, the Commission’s DG Competition, one of the world’s foremost and best-endowed competition authorities, has famously struggled to hire the staff necessary to implement the Digital Markets Act. In short, “DMA experts” currently do not exist — and the Commission will either have to train such experts itself or hire them when expertise develops through enforcement. But this creates a chicken-and-egg scenario, where enforcement — or at least good enforcement — cannot happen without good experts, and good experts cannot materialize without enforcement. There is no reason to believe that these considerations do not map onto the Brazilian context.
Brazil faces an additional challenge, however: attracting talent. Unlike in the EU, where posts at the Commission are highly coveted due to the high salaries, perks, and job security they confer, CADE’s resources are more modest and likely cannot compete fully with the private sector. Thus, before passing Bill 2768, the government should be clear on how the law would be enforced, and by whom.
Other issues include the heavy compliance burden of the Bill, which will affect not only the so-called “tech giants” but any company above the modest R$70 million turnover threshold, the difficulties in interpreting the ambiguous prohibitions and obligations contemplated in Art. 10 (and the litigation which may ensue, on which see Question 16), the cost of crafting of adequate remedies within the meaning of Art. 10, and the looming possibility that the Bill will capture procompetitive conduct and stifle innovation. As we have written with respect to ASEAN countries and the possibility of implementing EU-style competition regulation there:
The ASEAN nations exhibit extremely diverse policies regarding the role of government in the economy. Put simply, some of the ASEAN nations seem ill-suited to the far-reaching technocracy that almost inevitably flows from adopting the European model of competition enforcement. Others might simply not have sufficient resources to staff agencies that could, satisfactorily, undertake the type of far-reaching investigations that the European Commission is famous for.[59]
Do you see a lot of room for the judicialization of this type of regulation provided for in Bill 2768/2022? On what devices?
The enforcement of Bill 2768 is likely to lead to substantial litigation, not least because many of the core concepts of the Bill are ambiguous and open to interpretation.
For instance, what does “discriminatory” conduct within the meaning of Art. 10, para. II entail? Can a covered platform treat business users differently based on objective criteria, such as quality, history, and trustworthiness, or must all business users be treated equally? In this sense, it is uncertain whether the specific meaning ascribed to “discriminatory conduct” under competition law applies in this context. Similarly, what does “adequate” use of data collected in the exercise of a firm’s activities mean (paragraph III)? Does paragraph IV of Art. 10 imply that a covered platform can never deny access to business users? Presumably, covered platforms will want to know how and why this general obligation deviates from the narrower essential facilities doctrine under Brazilian competition law.
Art. 11 adds certain caveats to this, such as that intervention should be tailored, proportionate and consider the impact, costs, and benefits. Again, what sort of impact, costs and benefits are relevant — on consumers, business users, the covered platform, society as a whole?
If this is anything to go by, Bill 2768 is likely to be a legally contentious one.
Are the definitions in article 6 of Bill 2768/2022 adequate for the purpose of this proposal?
Art. 6 and, indeed, the entire impetus behind Bill 2768, rests on two questionable assumptions:
The former would be more convincing if the remedies contemplated by the Bill, such as non-discrimination, adequate use of data, and access, had not been previously used in other markets and for other products. Granting access on “Fair, Reasonable, and Nondiscriminatory” (“FRAND”) terms is often used in the context of competition law and IP law, both of which apply across industries. The duty to use data “adequately” is generally contemplated by data protection laws, which also apply broadly. The same can be said for access obligations, which are frequent under competition law and in regulated industries (such as telecommunications or railways).
In addition, neither the products and services in Art. 6 of the Bill, the companies that operate them, nor the business models they employ are monolithic. Voice assistants and social media, for instance, are vastly different products. The same can be said about cloud computing, which is not really a “platform” in the sense that, say, online intermediation is. The products and services in Art. 6 themselves are also highly heterogeneous, with a single category encompassing a motley list of products, from e-commerce to online maps and app stores.
The same argument applies to the companies that sell these products and services, which — despite the ubiquitous “Big Tech” moniker — are ultimately very different firms.[60] As Apple CEO Tim Cook has said: “Tech is not monolithic. That would be like saying ‘All restaurants are the same’ or ‘All TV networks are the same.’”[61]
For instance, while Google (Alphabet) and Facebook (Meta) are information-technology firms that specialize in online advertising, Apple remains primarily an electronics company, with around 75% of its revenue coming from the sale of iMacs, iPhones, iPads, and accessories. As Amanda Lotz of the University of Michigan has observed:
The profits on those [hardware] sales let Apple use very different strategies than the non-hardware [“Big Tech”] companies with which it is often compared.[62]
It also means that most of its other businesses — such as iMessage, iTunes, Apple Pay, etc. — are complements that “Apple uses strategically to support its primary focus as a hardware company.” Amazon, on the other hand, is primarily a retailer, with its Amazon Web Services and advertising divisions accounting for just 15% and 7% of the company’s revenue, respectively.[63]
Even when two “gatekeepers” are active in the same products/service market, they often have markedly different business models and practices. Thus, despite both selling mobile-phone operating systems, Android (Google) and Apple employ very different product-design philosophies. As we argued in an amicus curiae brief submitted last month to the U.S. Supreme Court in Apple v. Epic Games:
For Apple and its users, the touchstone of a good platform is not “openness,” but carefully curated selection and security, understood broadly as encompassing the removal of objectionable content, protection of privacy, and protection from “social engineering,” and the like.… By contrast, Android’s bet is on the open platform model, which sacrifices some degree of security for the greater variety and customization associated with more open distribution. These are legitimate differences in product design and business philosophy.[64]
These various companies and markets have diverse incentives, strategies, and product designs, therefore belying the idea that there is any economically and technically coherent notion of what comprises “gatekeeping.” In other words, both the products and services that would be subject to Art. 6 of Bill 2768 and those companies themselves are highly heterogeneous, and it is unclear why they are placed under the same umbrella.
Instead of pure ex-ante regulation, would any other type of monitoring and/or regulation of digital markets make sense?
A special unit within CADE, operating within the limits of current antitrust laws, should be seriously assessed before rushing to adopt far-reaching, ex-ante regulation in digital markets. Most of the conduct covered by ex-ante regulation in the EU, for example, is spun off from competition law cases. This suggests that such conduct falls within the limits of traditional competition law and can be properly addressed through EU competition law.
Accordingly, a digital unit within CADE would leverage the expertise of staff with a background in applying antitrust law to “digital markets.” Chances are that, if such a unit cannot be formed within CADE, which boasts staff with the expertise that most closely resembles what would be required to enforce Bill 2768, it likely cannot be formed anywhere else — at least not without siphoning off talent from CADE. This would be a mistake, as CADE has a critical role in suppressing behavior that unambiguously harms the public interest, such as cartels (arguably, this is where Brazil should be focusing its resources).[65] Creating a new unit to prosecute novel conduct with uncertain effects on social welfare at the expense of suppressing conduct that is manifestly harmful does not pass a cost-benefit analysis and would ultimately damage Brazil’s economy.
Do you think that the set of solutions described in art. 10 of Bill 2768/2022 are adequate?
It is difficult to answer this question without a clear notion of what Bill 2768 aims to achieve. Adequate for what?
Are the set of sanctions provided for in art. 16 of Bill 2768/2022 adequate?
This is also difficult to answer. If the objective is to thwart all proscribed conduct, no matter the consequences for innovation, investment, and consumer satisfaction, then a high fine is called for — and many companies will stop doing business as a result (which will very effectively stop all undesirable behavior – but also all desirable behavior). If raising revenue is the objective, then the amount of enforcement times the level of sanction needs to be low enough to operate not as a bar to behavior but a fee for doing business. We do not know if the level of sanctions in Art. 16 is appropriate for this — nor, we hasten to add, should this ever be the intention of such a law!
On the other hand, if optimal deterrence is the objective, imposing sanctions considerably lower than those in the EU (as a sanction of 2% of the infringing companies’ Brazilian turnover would be) appears reasonable. Fines for antitrust infringements in the EU can be up to 10% of the company’s worldwide turnover; and fines for violations of the DMA can even reach 20%.[66] But Brazil should not seek to deter investment and innovation to the extent the EU has.
It is, of course, difficult to identify a causal link between competition fines and investment/innovation. But what we do know is this: The pace of economic growth in Europe has lagged that of the U.S. by a significant margin:
Fifteen years ago, the size of the European economy was 10% larger than that of the U.S., however, by 2022 it was 23% smaller. The GDP of the European Union (including UK before Brexit) has grown in this period by 21% (measured in dollars), compared to 72% for the US and 290% for China.[67]
Meanwhile, none of the world’s 10 largest technology companies, and only two of the 25 largest, are based in Europe.[68] And the large U.S. and Asian multinationals are spread across the entire technology industry, from electronic components (chips, mobile phones and computers) to app development companies, websites, and e-commerce. There may be many reasons for these discrepancies, but one of them is almost certainly the differences in the economic regulatory environments, including the extent of competition-law overdeterrence.[69]
Article 10 provides for several obligations in a non-exhaustive list on which the regulator could impose other measures. Should an exhaustive list of measures be envisaged?
Exhaustive lists have the advantage of fostering predictability and cabining the enforcer’s discretion, thus limiting rent-seeking, and ensuring that enforcement stays tethered to the public interest. Assuming, of course, that the sort of measures which are envisaged act in the public interest in the first place.
The problem with how Bill 2768 is framed in its current state is that it is too open-ended. It is understandable that Bill 2768 does not want to tie the enforcers’ hands and has opted for bespoke interventions rather than blanket prohibitions and obligations. This is to be welcomed. However, it should not come at the expense of legal certainty, and it must not fail to impose limits on the enforcer’s discretion. This currently does not seem to be the case.
Article 10 thus provides that platform operators will be subject to “amongst others, the following obligations…” It is not clear, from this numerus apertus list, what the enforcer can and cannot do. But the problem is deeper than just Article 10; nowhere in the Bill is it explained what the goals of the new rules are. The proposed redrafting of Article 19-A of Law 9.472 of 16 July 1997 states, in paragraphs III, IV, and V is vague – it does not impose sufficiently clear limiting principles on the Bill’s reach. Indeed, it suggests that the goals of Bill 2768 would be to prevent conflicts of interest, prevent infringements of user’s rights, and prevent economic infringements by digital platforms in areas which are competence of CADE. Article 4 of Bill 2768 includes other goals: freedom of initiative, free competition, consumer protection, a reduction in regional and social inequality, repressing economic power and bolstering social participation. Elsewhere, it is implied that the goal is to diminish “gatekeeper power” (under “Justifications”).
In other words, it is not clear what Bill 2768 doesn’t empower the enforcer to do.
Furthermore, the prohibitions and obligations in Paragraphs I-IV of Art. 10 are similarly opaque. For instance, what is “adequate” use of collected data? (III). Does paragraph IV imply that a targeted platform may never refuse access to their service? In fact, one thing that is missing from Bill 2768 is the ability to escape a prohibition or obligation by demonstrating efficiencies or through an objective justification (such as, e.g., safety and security or privacy).
Clearly, Bill 2768 cannot predict all of the instances in which Art. 10 will be used. But, in order to strike a balance between the enforcer’s nimbleness and the law’s administrability and predictability, it needs to give a more focused account of the Bill’s goals, and how the provisions in Art. 10 help to achieve them. In other words: Articles 3, 4, and 10 need to be much clearer. Otherwise, the Bill risks doing more harm than good to targeted companies, business users, competitors, and ultimately, consumers. The “Justifications” section of the Bill states that it does not wish to impose a “straitjacket” on targeted companies through the imposition of strict ex ante rules. This is reasonable, especially considering the lack of evidence of unambiguous harm. But granting an enforcer like Anatel, which lacks experience in “digital markets,” broadly defined powers to intervene on the basis of equally broad goals amounts to imposing a straitjacket by another name. In a regulatory “panopticon” in which companies are never sure of what is and is not allowed, some might reasonably choose not to take risks, innovate, and bring new products to the market —because they do not wish to risk being subject to fines (Art. 16) and potential structural remedies, like break-ups (Art. 10, paragrafo unico). In other words, they might assume that much more is prohibited than is actually prohibited.
[1] PL 2768/2022, Dispõe sobre a organização, o funcionamento e a operação das plataformas digitais que oferecem serviços ao público brasileiro e dá outras providências, available at https://www.camara.leg.br/proposicoesWeb/fichadetramitacao?idProposicao=2337417.
[2] REGULATION (EU) 2022/1925 OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL of 14 September 2022, on contestable and fair markets in the digital sector and amending Directives (EU) 2019/1937 and (EU) 2020/1828 (Digital Markets Act).
[3] https://www.mercadosdigitais.org/.
[4] Case C-7/97 Bronner, EU:C:1998:569.
[5] See, e.g., Commissioner Ana Frazão’s majority decision in Procedure No. 08012.003918/2005-14 (Defendant: Telemar Norte Leste S.A.), paras. 60-62, https://tinyurl.com/4dc38vvk.
[6] See Commissioner Mauricio Maia’s reporting majority decision in Administrative Procedure No. 08012.010483/2011-94 (Defendants: Google Inc. and Google Brasil Internet Ltda.), paras. 180-94; 224-42, https://tinyurl.com/3c9emytw.
[7] A 2021 report by IBRAC identified the high entry rate into the market of online sales platforms. See IBRAC, Revista do Revista do IBRAC Número 2-2021, available at https://ibrac.org.br/UPLOADS/PDF/RevistadoIBRAC/Revista_do_IBRAC_2_2021.pdf.
[8] Bronner, Para. 67.
[9] See Colangelo, G., The Digital Markets Act and EU Antitrust Enforcement: Double & Triple Jeopardy, ICLE White Paper (2022), available at https://laweconcenter.org/resources/the-digital-markets-act-and-eu-antitrust-enforcement-double-triple-jeopardy.
[10] CADE, Mercados de Plataformas Digitais, SEPN 515 Conjunto D, Lote 4, Ed. Carlos Taurisano CEP: 70.770-504 – Brasília/DF, available at https://cdn.cade.gov.br/Portal/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/estudos-economicos/cadernos-do-cade/Caderno_Plataformas-Digitais_Atualizado_29.08.pdf.
[11] On the notion that DMA-style rules are “sector-specific competition law,” see Nicolas Petit, The Proposed Digital Markets Act (DMA): A Legal and Policy Review, 12 J. Eur. Compet. Law & Pract. 529 (May 11, 2021).
[12] See Verizon Communications, Inc. v. Law Offices of Curtis V. Trinko, LLP, 540 U.S. 398 (2003). “Compelling such firms to share the source of their advantage is in some tension with the underlying purpose of antitrust law, since it may lessen the incentive for the monopolist, the rival, or both to invest in those economically beneficial facilities.”
[13] Hou, L., The Essential Facilities Doctrine – What Was Wrong in Microsoft?, 43(4) International Review of Intellectual Property and Competition Law 251-71, 260 (2012).
[14] See Williamson, O.E., The Vertical Integration of Production: Market Failure Considerations, 61 Am. Econ. Rev. 112 (1971); Klein, B., Asset Specificity and Holdups, in The Elgar Companion to Transaction Cost Economics, P. G. Klein & M. Sykuta, eds. (Edward Elgar Publishing, 2010), 120–126.
[15] Commission Decision No. AT.39740 — Google Search (Shopping).
[16] A. Hoffman, Where Does Website Traffic Come From: Search Engine and Referral Traffic, Traffic Generation Café (Dec. 25, 2018), https://trafficgenerationcafe.com/website-traffic-source-search-engine-referral.
[17] See Manne, G., Against the Vertical Discrimination Presumption, Concurrences N° 2-2020, Art. N° 94267 (May 2020), https://www.concurrences.com/en/review/numeros/no-2-2020/editorial/foreword.
[18] On the need for caution when granting a right to access see, for example, Trinko: “We have been very cautious in recognizing such exceptions [to the right of [a] trader or manufacturer engaged in an entirely private business, freely to exercise his own independent discretion as to parties with whom he will deal], because of the uncertain virtue of forced sharing and the difficulty of identifying and remedying anticompetitive conduct by a single firm.”
[19] United States v. Aluminum Co. of America, 148 F.2d 416, 430 (2d Cir. 1945).
[20] “Thus, as a general matter, the Sherman Act ‘does not restrict the long recognized right of [a] trader or manufacturer engaged in an entirely private business, freely to exercise his own independent discretion as to parties with whom he will deal.’” United States v. Colgate & Co., 250 U. S. 300, 307 (1919).
[21] Foremost Pro Color, Inc. v. Eastman Kodak Co., 703 F.2d 534, 545 (9th Cir. 1983) (citations omitted).
[22] See Manne, G. & B. Sperry, Debunking the Myth of a Data Barrier to Entry for Online Services, Truth on the Market (Mar. 26, 2015), https://truthonthemarket.com/2015/03/26/debunking-the-myth-of-a-data-barrier-to-entry-for-online-services; Manne, G. & B. Sperry (2014). The Law and Economics of Data and Privacy in Antitrust Analysis, 2014 TPRC Conference Paper, available at https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2418779.
[23] See generally, Grunes, A. & M. Stucke, Big Data and Competition Policy (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2016); Newman, N, Antitrust and the Economics of the Control of User Data, 30 Yale Journal on Regulation 3 (2014).
[24] See the examples discussed in Manne, G. & B. Sperry, Debunking the Myth of a Data Barrier to Entry for Online Services, Truth on the Market (Mar. 26, 2015), https://truthonthemarket.com/2015/03/26/debunking-the-myth-of-a-data-barrier-to-entry-for-online-services.
[25] Lerner, A., The Role of ‘Big Data’ in Online Platform Competition (2014), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2482780.
[26] Bowman, S. & G. Manne, Platform Self-Preferencing Can Be Good for Consumers and Even Competitors, Truth on the Market (Mar. 4, 2021), https://truthonthemarket.com/2021/03/04/platform-self-preferencing-can-be-good-for-consumers-and-even-competitors.
[27] C. Goujard, Google Forced to Postpone Bard Chatbot’s EU Launch Over Privacy Concerns, Politico (Jun. 13, 2023), https://www.politico.eu/article/google-postpone-bard-chatbot-eu-launch-privacy-concern.
[28] M. Kelly, Here’s Why Threads Is Delayed in Europe, The Verge (Jul. 10, 2023), https://www.theverge.com/23789754/threads-meta-twitter-eu-dma-digital-markets.
[29] Musk Considers Removing X Platform From Europe Over EU Law, Euractiv (Oct. 19, 2023), https://www.euractiv.com/section/platforms/news/musk-considers-removing-x-platform-from-europe-over-eu-law.
[30] Jud, M., Still No Copilot in Europe: Microsoft Rolls Out 23H2 Update, Digitec.ch (Nov. 1, 2023), https://www.digitec.ch/en/page/still-no-windows-copilot-in-europe-microsoft-rolls-out-23h2-update-30279.
[31] The Future is Bright for Latin American Startups, The Economist (Nov.13, 2023), available at https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2023/11/13/the-future-is-bright-for-latin-american-startups.
[32] See Distrito, Panorama Tech América Latina (2023), available at https://static.poder360.com.br/2023/09/latam-report-1.pdf.
[33] The following is adapted from Manne, G., Against the Vertical Discrimination Presumption, Concurrences N° 2-2020, Art. N° 94267 (May 2020) https://www.concurrences.com/en/review/numeros/no-2-2020/editorial/foreword and our comments on the UK’s proposed Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers (“DMCC”) Bill: Auer, D., M. Lesh & L. Radic (2023). Digital Overload: How the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Bill’s Sweeping New Powers Threaten Britain’s Economy, 4 IEA Perspectives 16-21 (2023), available at https://iea.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Perspectives_4_Digital-overload_web.pdf.
[34] H. Singer, How Big Tech Threatens Economic Liberty, The Am. Conserv. (May 7, 2019), https://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/how-big-tech-threatens-economic-liberty.
[35] Most of these theories, it must be noted, ignore the relevant and copious strategy literature on the complexity of platform dynamics. See, e.g., J. M. Barnett, The Host’s Dilemma: Strategic Forfeiture in Platform Markets for Informational Goods, 124 Harv. L. Rev. 1861 (2011); D. J. Teece, Profiting from Technological Innovation: Implications for Integration, Collaboration, Licensing and Public Policy, 15 Res. Pol’y 285 (1986); A. Hagiu & K. Boudreau, Platform Rules: Multi-Sided Platforms as Regulators, in Platforms, Markets and Innovation, A. Gawer, ed. (Edward Elgar Publishing, 2009); K. Boudreau, Open Platform Strategies and Innovation: Granting Access vs. Devolving Control, 56 Mgmt. Sci. 1849 (2010).
[36] For examples of this literature and a brief discussion of its findings, see Manne, G., Against the Vertical Discrimination Presumption, Concurrences N° 2-2020, Art. N° 94267 (May 2020), https://www.concurrences.com/en/review/numeros/no-2-2020/editorial/foreword.
[37] International Center for Law & Economics, International Center for Law & Economics Amicus Curiae Brief Submitted to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit 20-21 (2022), https://tinyurl.com/ywu553vb.
[38] See generally, Hagiu & Boudreau, Platform Rules: Multi-Sided Platforms as Regulators, supra note 31; Barnett, The Host’s Dilemma, supra note 31.
[39] Barnett, J., id.
[40] See Radic, L. and G. Manne, Amazon Italy’s Efficiency Offense, Truth on the Market (Jan. 11, 2022), https://tinyurl.com/2uht4fvw.
[41] Introduced as Bill 294 (2022-23), currently HL Bill 12 (2023-24), Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Bill, available at https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3453.
[42] Farrell, J., & P. Klemperer Coordination and Lock-In: Competition with Switching Costs and Network Effects, 3 Handbook of Industrial Organization1967-2072 (2007), available at https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1573448X06030317.
[43] Bill 2768, “Justifications.” See also Wu, T, The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age, Columbia Global Reports (2018).
[44] Colangelo, G., The Digital Markets Act and EU Antitrust Enforcement: Double & Triple Jeopardy, ICLE White Paper 2022-03-23 (2022), available at https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Giuseppe-Double-triple-jeopardy-final-draft-20220225.pdf.
[45] See also Caffarra, C. and F. Scott Morton, The European Commission Digital Markets Act: A Translation, Vox EU (Jan. 5, 2021), https://voxeu.org/article/european-commission-digital-markets-act-translation.
[46] How National Competition Agencies Can Strengthen the DMA, European Competition Network (Jun. 22, 2021), available at https://ec.europa.eu/competition/ecn/DMA_joint_EU_NCAs_paper_21.06.2021.pdf.
[47] For the full study, see https://cdn.cade.gov.br/Portal/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/estudos-economicos/documentos-de-trabalho/2018/documento-de-trabalho-n01-2018-efeitos-concorrenciais-da-economia-do-compartilhamento-no-brasil-a-entrada-da-uber-afetou-o-mercado-de-aplicativos-de-taxi-entre-2014-e-2016.pdf.
[48] For a detailed overview of CADE’s decisions in digital platforms and payments services, see https://cdn.cade.gov.br/Portal/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/estudos-economicos/cadernos-do-cade/mercado-de-instrumentos-de-pagamento-2019.pdf; https://cdn.cade.gov.br/Portal/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/estudos-economicos/cadernos-do-cade/Caderno_Plataformas-Digitais_Atualizado_29.08.pdf.
[49] See, e.g., Epic Games, Inc. v. Apple Inc. 20-cv-05640-YGR.
[50] Staats, J. L., & G. Biglaiser, Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America: The Importance of Judicial Strength and Rule of Law, 56(1) International Studies Quarterly 193–202 (2012), https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00690.x.
[51] HL Bill 12 (2023-24), Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Bill, https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3453.
[52] Auer, D., M. Lesh, & L. Radic (2023). Digital Overload: How the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Bill’s Sweeping New Powers Threaten Britain’s Economy, 4 IEA Perspectives 16-21, available at https://iea.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Perspectives_4_Digital-overload_web.pdf.
[53] See Dailey, M. Why the US Rejected European Style Digital Markets Regulation: Considerations for Brazil’s Tech Landscape, Progressive Policy Institute (Oct. 2, 2023), pp 5-6, available at https://www.progressivepolicy.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/PPI-Brazil-EU-Tech.pdf.
[54] Id.
[55] See Radic, L. and G. Manne, Amazon Italy’s Efficiency Offense. Truth on the Market (Jan. 11, 2022), available at https://tinyurl.com/2uht4fvw.
[56] ACCC, Digital Platform Services Inquiry, Discussion Paper for Interim Report No. 5: Updating Competition and Consumer Law for Digital Platform Services (Feb. 2022), available at https://www.accc.gov.au/system/files/Digital%20platform%20services%20inquiry.pdf.
[57] Bowman, S. & G. Manne, Platform Self-Preferencing Can Be Good for Consumers and Even Competitors, Truth on the Market (Mar. 4, 2021), https://laweconcenter.wpengine.com/2021/03/04/platform-self-preferencing-can-be-good-for-consumers-and-even-competitors.
[58] See Portuese, A. The Digital Markets Act: A Triumph of Regulation Over Innovation, ITIF Schumpeter Project (Aug. 24, 2022), available at https://itif.org/publications/2022/08/24/digital-markets-act-a-triumph-of-regulation-over-innovation.
[59] Auer, D., G. Manne & S. Bowman, Should ASEAN Antitrust Laws Emulate European Competition Policy?, 67(5) Singapore Economic Review 1637–1697, 1687 (2022).
[60]See Lotz, A. ‘Big Tech’ Isn’t a Monolith. It’s 5 Companies, All in Different Businesses, Houston Chronicle (Mar. 26, 2018), https://www.houstonchronicle.com/techburger/article/Big-Tech-isn-t-a-monolith-It-s-5-companies-12781761.php; see also Chaiehloudj, W. & Petit, N. On Big Tech and The Digital Economy, Competition Forum (Jan. 11, 2021), https://competition-forum.com/on-big-tech-and-the-digital-economy-interview-with-professor-nicolas-petit.
[61] Asher Hamilton, I. Tim Cook Says He’s Tired of Big Tech Being Painted as a ‘Monolithic’ Force That Needs Tearing Apart, Business Insider (May 7, 2019), https://www.businessinsider.com/apple-ceo-tim-cook-tired-of-big-tech-being-viewed-as-monolithic-2019-5.
[62] Lotz, 2018.
[63] G. Cuofano, Amazon Revenue Breakdown, Four Week MBA (Aug. 10, 2023), https://fourweekmba.com/amazon-revenue-breakdown.
[64] International Center for Law & Economics, International Center for Law & Economics Amicus Curiae Brief Submitted to the U.S. Supreme Court (2022), available at https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/ICLE-Amicus-Apple-v-Epic-SCt-10.27.23-FINAL.pdf.
[65] See Zúñiga, M. Latin America Should Follow Its Own Path on Digital-Markets Competition, Truth on the Market (Nov. 7, 2023), https://truthonthemarket.com/2023/11/07/latin-america-should-follow-its-own-path-on-digital-markets-competition.
[66] As pointed out in Question 10, however, there is a risk of double jeopardy considering that some of the conduct caught by Bill 2768 might also be covered by Brazilian competition law. In such cases, the 2% would be compounded by the penalties contemplated under Act 12.529/11, the Brazilian competition law, and the level could easily be too high.
[67] Weekly Foreign Policy Report No. 1329: A Europe Vassal to the US?, Política Exterior (Jun. 26, 2023) https://www.politicaexterior.com/articulo/una-europa-vasalla-de-eeuu.
[68] See, e.g., 100 Biggest Technology Companies in the World, Yahoo Finance (Aug. 23, 2023), available at https://finance.yahoo.com/news/100-biggest-technology-companies-world-175211230.html.
[69] See, e.g., Weekly Foreign Policy Report No. 1329: A Europe Vassal to the US?, Política Exterior (Jun. 26, 2023) https://www.politicaexterior.com/articulo/una-europa-vasalla-de-eeuu.
Regulatory Comments Introdução Em 11 de outubro de 2022, João Maia (Deputado Federal, Partido Liberal) propôs o Projeto de Lei 2768/22 (“Projeto de Lei 2768” ou “Projeto”), . . .
Em 11 de outubro de 2022, João Maia (Deputado Federal, Partido Liberal) propôs o Projeto de Lei 2768/22 (“Projeto de Lei 2768” ou “Projeto”), que traz uma proposta de regulação de mercados digitais. [1] O Projeto de Lei 2768 é a resposta brasileira a tendências globais em direção à regulamentação ex-ante das plataformas digitais, sendo pelo menos parcialmente inspirado no Regulamento dos Mercados Digitais da União Europeia (“DMA”).[2] Em nossa contribuição à consulta pública sobre o Projeto de Lei (“Consulta”), argumentamos que o Brasil deve ter cautela ao importar diretamente uma regulação ainda não testada, dado que o país possui uma situação factual própria e única. Em vez de replicar impulsivamente tendências regulatórias da UE, o Brasil deveria adotar uma abordagem mais metódica e baseada em evidências. Um regime regulatório sólido exige que novas regras sejam fundamentadas em uma visão clara das falhas de mercado específicas que pretende abordar, bem como uma compreensão de seus custos e potenciais consequências acidentais. Infelizmente, o Projeto de Lei 2768 não atende a esses requisitos. Como demonstramos em nossa resposta à Consulta, não está claro que a legislação de defesa da concorrência brasileira tenha deixado de abordar problemas concorrenciais em mercados digitais a ponto de tornar necessária uma regulação digital sui generis. Em realidade, é pouco provável que existam “instalações essenciais” efetivas nos mercados digitais brasileiros a ponto de tornar necessária uma regulação que crie obrigações de acesso; é também pouco provável que “dados” representem uma barreira intransponível à entrada. Outros aspectos do Projeto de Lei – como a designação da Anatel como autoridade responsável; os patamares extremamente baixos de faturamento fixados para identificação de um “controlador de acesso essencial”; e a ausência de qualquer consideração ao bem-estar do consumidor como um parâmetro relevante para a determinação de existência de danos ou para a identificação de exceções – também estão equivocados. Portanto, da forma como atualmente proposta, o Projeto de Lei 2768 levanta riscos de não apenas aumentar a pressão sobre os esparsos recursos públicos do país, como de reduzir a inovação, aumentar preços aos consumidores, e prejudicar o próspero ecossistema de startups do país.
Identificação de “facilidades essenciais” no universo dos mercados digitais. Dê exemplos de ativos de plataformas no mercado digital atuando no Brasil em que ao mesmo tempo: a) não haja plataformas digitais com ativos substitutos próximos a estes ativos b) estes ativos sejam difíceis de duplicação com eficiência ao menos próxima da empresa proprietária c) sem o acesso a este ativo, não seria possível atuar em um ou mais mercados, pois ele constitui um insumo fundamental.
Pelas razões que discutimos abaixo, é improvável que existam exemplos de verdadeiras “instalações essenciais” nos mercados digitais no Brasil.
É importante definir o significado de “instalação essencial” com precisão. O conceito de instalação essencial é um termo de última geração usado no direito da concorrência, que foi definido de forma diferente em todas as jurisdições. Ainda assim, a ideia geral das doutrinas de instalações essenciais é que há casos em que a negação de acesso a uma instalação por um operador existente pode distorcer a concorrência. No entanto, para separar os casos em que a negação de acesso constitui uma expressão legítima da concorrência no mérito das situações em que ela indica uma conduta anticompetitiva, os tribunais e as autoridades de defesa da concorrência elaboraram uma série de testes.
Assim, na UE, o caso de referência Bronner estabeleceu que a doutrina das instalações essenciais se aplica nos casos do art. 102 do TFUE quando:
Além disso, a instalação deve ser genuinamente “essencial” para competir, e não apenas conveniente.
Da mesma forma, o CADE incorporou a doutrina de instalações essenciais à política de concorrência brasileira, impondo o dever de lidar com os concorrentes.[4]
A definição de “instalações essenciais” e, consequentemente, a extensão e os limites da doutrina de instalações essenciais, nos termos do Projeto de Lei 2768/2022 (“Projeto de Lei 2768”), devem refletir princípios experimentados e testados do direito da concorrência. Não há razão para que as instalações essenciais sejam tratadas de forma diferente nos mercados “digitais”, ou seja, mercados que envolvem plataformas digitais, do que em outros mercados. Neste sentido, estamos preocupados que o enquadramento da Pergunta 1 revele uma inconsistência que deve ser abordada antes de seguir em frente; ou seja, quando os ativos de uma empresa são “difíceis” de replicar de forma eficiente, justifica-se forçar um concorrente a conceder acesso a esses ativos. A ideia é equivocada e pode até produzir o oposto do que o Projeto de Lei 2768 supostamente visa obter.
Como indicado acima, o conceito fundamental que sustenta a doutrina das instalações essenciais é que ela se aplica a um produto ou serviço que é pouco lucrativo ou impossível de duplicar. Normalmente, isso se aplica à infraestrutura, como telecomunicações ou ferrovias. Por exemplo, esperar que os concorrentes dupliquem rotas de transporte, como ferrovias, seria irreal — e economicamente um desperdício. Em vez disso, os governos frequentemente escolheram regular esses setores como serviços públicos de monopólio natural. Predominantemente, a prática inclui obrigatoriedade de acesso a todos os participantes de tais instalações essenciais mediante preços regulados e condições não discriminatórias que tornam a atividade de outras empresas viável e competitiva – facilitando assim a concorrência em um mercado secundário em situações em que a concorrência poderia ser impossível.
No entanto, o governo deve se perguntar em que medida essa lógica se aplica às chamadas plataformas digitais.
Os mecanismos de busca on-line, por exemplo, não são impossíveis ou excessivamente difíceis de replicar — nem o acesso a qualquer um deles é indispensável. Hoje, muitos mecanismos de busca estão disponíveis no mercado: Bing, Yandex, Ecosia, DuckDuckGo, Yahoo!, Google, Baidu, Ask.com e Swisscows — entre outros.
Mais precisamente, o mero acesso aos mecanismos de pesquisa não é realmente um problema. Em vez disso, na maioria dos casos, aqueles que reclamam da atividade de um mecanismo de busca geralmente desejam acesso aos primeiros resultados ou que o mecanismo de busca priorize seus próprios serviços de mercado secundário em detrimento do concorrente. Mas este espaço é irrisoriamente escasso; não há como ele ser alocado a todos os participantes. Ele também não pode ser alocado em termos imparciais; por definição, um mecanismo de busca deve priorizar os resultados.
Tratar um mecanismo de busca como uma instalação essencial geraria resultados problemáticos. Por exemplo, exigir acesso não discriminatório aos principais resultados de um mecanismo de busca seria como exigir que uma ferrovia oferecesse serviço a todos os transportadores a qualquer momento que o transportador quisesse, independentemente do congestionamento da ferrovia, dos horários de outros transportadores e da otimização pela ferrovia de seus horários. Não só seria impossível, mas nem sequer é exigido das instalações essenciais tradicionais.
Notadamente, embora as primeiras classificações na página de resultados de um mecanismo de busca seja, sem dúvida, um benefício para os negócios, existem outras maneiras de alcançar os clientes. De fato, como o CADE decidiu em um caso relativo ao Google Shopping, mesmo que a primeira página do resultado do Google seja relevante e importante para sites classificados, ela não é insubstituível, na medida em que existem outras maneiras de os consumidores encontrarem sites on-line. O Google não é um intermediário obrigatório para acesso ao site.[5] Além disso, como observado, as páginas de resultados de busca devem, por definição, discriminar para funcionar corretamente. Considerá-las instalações essenciais implicaria disputas intermináveis (e determinações tecnicamente complicadas) para decidir se as decisões de priorização do mecanismo de busca eram “adequadas” ou não.
Da mesma forma, plataformas de varejo on-line, como Amazon e Mercado Livre, são muito bem-sucedidas e convenientes, mas os vendedores podem usar outros métodos para alcançar os clientes. Por exemplo, eles podem vender em lojas físicas ou configurar facilmente seus próprios sites de varejo usando uma infinidade de provedores de software como serviço (“SaaS”) para facilitar o processamento e o atendimento de pedidos. Além disso, a presença e o sucesso simultâneos de Mercado Livre, B2W (Submarino.com, Americanas.com, Shoptime, Soubarato), Cnova (Extra.com.br, Casasbahia.com.br, Pontofrio.com), Magazine Luiza e Amazon no mercado brasileiro desqualifica a alegação de que qualquer uma dessas plataformas é indispensável ou irreplicável.[6]
Argumentos semelhantes podem ser feitos sobre as demais plataformas digitais abrangidas pelo art. 6, inciso II, do PL 2768. Por exemplo, o WhatsApp pode ser de longe o serviço de comunicação interpessoal mais popular do país. Ainda assim, há muitas alternativas de alcance fácil (e principalmente gratuito) para os consumidores brasileiros, como Messenger (62 milhões de usuários), Telegram (30 milhões), Instagram (64 milhões), Viber (3 milhões), Hangouts (2 milhões), WeChat (1 milhão), Kik (500.000 usuários) e Line (1 milhão de usuários). O grande número de usuários de cada aplicativo sugere que o multi-homing (multifornecimento) é generalizado.
Em suma, embora o acesso a uma determinada plataforma digital possa ser conveniente, especialmente se ela for atualmente a mais popular entre os usuários, é altamente questionável se esse acesso é essencial. E, como o Advogado Geral Jacobs observou em seu parecer em Bronner, a mera conveniência não cria um direito de acesso segundo a doutrina das instalações essenciais.[7]
Recomendação: O Projeto de Lei 2768 deve deixar claro que os princípios e requisitos de “instalações essenciais”, dentro do significado do direito da concorrência, se aplicam integralmente aos deveres e às obrigações contemplados no art. 10 — e que a definição de uma “instalação essencial” é um pré-requisito para a imposição desses deveres ou obrigações.
É necessária uma regulação que garanta o acesso ao(s) ativo(s) do(s) exemplo(s) da questão 1? O que tal regulação deveria garantir para que o acesso ao ativo viabilize a entrada de terceiros naqueles mercados digitais?
Antes de considerar se a regulamentação é necessária para garantir o acesso a ativos de determinadas empresas, o governo deve primeiramente considerar se garantir esse acesso é necessário e legítimo. Em nossa resposta à Pergunta 1, argumentamos que é improvável que seja. Se o governo, no entanto, decidir o contrário, a próxima pergunta lógica deve ser se o direito da concorrência, incluindo a própria doutrina das instalações essenciais, é suficiente para abordar quaisquer problemas alegados identificados na Pergunta 2.
Indiscutivelmente, a melhor maneira de responder a essa pergunta seria por meio do experimento natural de permitir que o CADE apresente processos contra plataformas digitais — supondo que possa construir um caso prima facie em cada instância — e verificar se ferramentas tradicionais do direito da concorrência fornecem ou não uma solução viável e, se não, se essas ferramentas podem ser aprimoradas pela reforma da lei de concorrência do Brasil, ou se é necessária uma nova regulamentação prévia abrangente.
Em comparação, a UE experimentou a lei de concorrência da UE antes de aprovar o Projeto de Lei dos Mercados Digitais (“DMA”). De fato, a maioria, se não todas, as proibições e obrigações da DMA decorrem de processos do direito da concorrência.[8] A UE acabou decidindo que preferia aprovar regras prévias gerais contra determinadas práticas, em vez de ter de litigar com base no direito da concorrência. Se essa foi ou não a decisão correta está em debate, mas uma coisa é certa: A UE testou seu kit de ferramentas de concorrência extensivamente contra plataformas digitais, antes de aprender com os resultados e decidir que precisava ser complementado com um novo conjunto de regras mais amplas, fáceis de aplicar e claras.
Em contraste, o Brasil instaurou apenas alguns processos de defesa da concorrência contra plataformas digitais. De acordo com números publicados pelo CADE, o[9] CADE analisou 233 processos de fusão relacionados a mercados de plataformas digitais entre 1995 e 2023 e, com relação a condutas unilaterais (casos de monopolização) — aquelas mais relevantes para a discussão do PL 2768 — abriu 23 processos de conduta. Com relação a esses 23 processos, 9 ainda estão sendo investigados, 11 foram julgados improcedentes e apenas 3 foram encerrados pela assinatura de um Termo de Compromisso de Cessação (TCC). Neste sentido, apenas 3 processos (TCCs) de 23 poderiam ter sido, em certa medida, “condenados”. É questionável se esses processos fornecem o tipo de evidência da existência de problemas intrínsecos de concorrência nos oito mercados de serviços identificados no art. 6, parágrafo II, do Projeto de Lei 2768 que justificariam novas regras de acesso “específicas do setor”.[10]
De fato, a recente entrada de empresas em muitos desses mercados sugere que o oposto está mais próximo da verdade. Existem inúmeros exemplos de entrada em uma variedade de serviços digitais, incluindo TikTok, Shein, Shopee e Daki, para citar apenas alguns.
Sérios problemas podem surgir quando produtos que não são instalações essenciais são tratados como tal, dos quais citamos dois.
Em primeiro lugar, estender demais a doutrina das instalações essenciais pode incentivar o oportunismo.[11] Não é para esse objetivo nem a intenção para a qual a doutrina das instalações essenciais, devidamente compreendida, deve ser usada:
Consequentemente, o [Tribunal de Justiça Europeu] implica que a [doutrina das instalações essenciais] não é concebida para a conveniência das empresas explorarem livremente as empresas dominantes, mas apenas para a necessidade de sobrevivência no mercado secundário em situações em que não existem substitutos efetivos.[12]
Por que desenvolver uma plataforma de varejo on-line concorrente, quando o acesso ao Mercado Livre ou à Amazon é garantido por lei? O oportunismo pode desencorajar investimentos de empresas terceiras e “guardiões” direcionados — especialmente no desenvolvimento e na melhoria de plataformas de negócios concorrentes (ou modelos de negócios alternativos que não são réplicas exatas das plataformas existentes). Ao contrário dos objetivos declarados do Projeto de Lei 2768, isso poderia entrincheirar ainda mais os operadores existentes, pois a capacidade de se aproveitar dos investimentos de terceiros incentiva as empresas a se afastarem dos principais mercados dos operadores existentes para atuar como complementadores nesses mercados.
De fato, uma preocupação séria — e subestimada — é o custo de assumir riscos excessivos por empresas que podem contar com proteções regulatórias para garantir a viabilidade contínua, mesmo quando ela não é garantida.
As empresas devem desenvolver seus modelos de negócios e operá-los em reconhecimento ao risco envolvido. Um complementador que se torna dependente de uma plataforma para distribuição de seu conteúdo assume um risco. Embora possa se beneficiar de um maior acesso aos usuários, ele se coloca à mercê do outro — ou pelo menos enfrenta grande dificuldade (e um custo significativo) para se adaptar a mudanças imprevistas na plataforma sobre as quais não tem controle. Essa é uma espécie de problema de “especificidade de ativo” que anima grande parte da literatura de Economia de Custos de Transação.[13]
Mas o risco pode ser calculado. As empresas ocupam posições especializadas em cadeias de suprimentos em toda a economia e fazem investimentos arriscados e específicos de ativos o tempo todo. Na maioria das circunstâncias, as empresas usam contratos para alocar risco e responsabilidade de forma a viabilizar o relacionamento. Quando é muito difícil gerenciar o risco por contrato, as empresas podem se integrar verticalmente (alinhando assim seus incentivos) ou simplesmente seguir caminhos separados.
O fato de uma plataforma criar uma oportunidade como apoio para os complementadores não significa que a decisão de uma empresa de fazê-lo — e fazê-lo sem um plano de contingência viável — faça sentido para os negócios. No caso dos sites de comparação de compras em questão, na decisão do Google Shopping da UE,[14] por exemplo, era totalmente previsível que o algoritmo do Google evoluiria. Também era totalmente previsível que ele evoluiria de maneiras que poderiam diminuir ou até mesmo evitar seu tráfego. Como disse um especialista em marketing digital, “contar com o tráfego dos mecanismos de busca como sua principal fonte de tráfego é um pouco insensato, para dizer o mínimo”.[15]
Fornecer garantias (que é o que uma regra de acesso “guardião” realiza) nessa situação cria um problema significativo: Proteger os complementadores do risco inerente a um modelo de negócios, no qual eles são totalmente dependentes de outra empresa com a qual não têm relação contratual, representa, no mínimo, tão provável como incentivar a tomada de riscos excessivos e o excesso de investimento ineficiente quanto garantir que o investimento e a inovação não sejam muito baixos.[16]
Em segundo lugar, conceder a empresas e concorrentes acesso a bens ou serviços, exceto nos poucos e restritos casos[17] em que o acesso a esses bens e serviços é verdadeiramente essencial para sustentar a concorrência no mercado, envia às plataformas a mensagem errada. A mensagem é que, depois de serem incentivadas a competir, as empresas de sucesso serão punidas por prosperarem. Isso contraria o espírito do direito concorrencial e o princípio da livre concorrência, que o PL 2768 deve ter o cuidado de não eliminar. Como o grande jurista norte-americano Learned Hand observou no processo U.S. v. Aluminum Co. of America: “O concorrente de sucesso, tendo sido instado a competir, não deve ser atacado quando vencer.”[18]
Além disso, forçar as empresas a fazer negócios com terceiros está em desacordo com o princípio de que, a menos que uma violação da lei de defesa da concorrência possa ser verificada, as empresas devem ser livres para fazer negócios com quem quiserem.[19] De fato, é uma pedra angular da economia de livre mercado que “as leis de defesa da concorrência [não] imponham um dever às [empresas]. . . para auxiliar [concorrentes]. . . ‘sobreviver ou expandir.’”[20]
Descreva casos nos mercados digitais em que há pelo menos uma outra empresa com ativos substitutos próximos a estes ativos da empresa principal, mas que ainda assim nenhuma das plataformas digitais que detêm o ativo provém acesso a ele. Ou seja, mesmo havendo mais de um ativo no mercado, continua havendo problema de acesso ao ativo. Como o PL 2768/2022, especialmente seu art. 10, poderia ser melhorado para aprimorar o acesso ao insumo essencial?
Não temos conhecimento desses processos.
Descreva casos em que a propriedade de dados em mercados digitais cria uma barreira à entrada que torna muito difícil ou mesmo impossível a entrada no mercado das plataformas digitais incumbentes. Como o PL 2768/2022 poderia mitigar este problema, reduzindo a barreira à entrada representada por acesso a dados?
A medida em que os dados representam uma barreira à entrada é, em nossa opinião, muito exagerada. O PL 2768 não deve supor que os dados são uma barreira à entrada e deve avaliar criticamente as alegações em contrário — especialmente se pretende construir um novo regime regulatório abrangente com base nessa suposição.[21]
Em poucas palavras, as teorias de “dados como barreira à entrada” afirmam que os dados on-line podem constituir uma barreira à entrada, isolando os serviços estabelecidos da concorrência e garantindo que apenas os maiores provedores prosperem. Essa barreira de dados à entrada, alega-se, pode permitir que empresas com poder de monopólio prejudiquem os consumidores, seja diretamente por meio de “atos negligentes”, como discriminação de preços, ou indiretamente, aumentando os custos de publicidade, que são repassados aos consumidores.[22]
No entanto, a noção de dados como uma barreira à entrada relevante de defesa da concorrência é mais uma suposição do que a realidade.
Primeiro, apesar da pressa em abraçar o “excepcionalismo da plataforma digital”, os dados são úteis para todos os setores. “Dados” não é um fenômeno novo específico para empresas on-line. Vale a pena repetir que os varejistas off-line também recebem vantagens substanciais e beneficiam muito os consumidores, ao saber mais sobre o que os consumidores querem e quando querem. Por meio de dispositivos como cupons, descontos de associação e cartões de fidelidade (para não mencionar listas de discussão direcionadas e a antiga prática de mineração de dados de comprovantes de check-out), os varejistas físicos podem rastrear dados de compra e atender melhor os consumidores. Não só os consumidores recebem melhores ofertas por usá-los, mas também os varejistas sabem quais produtos estocar e anunciar, e quando e com quais produtos realizar vendas.[23]
Obviamente, também há uma série de outros usos dos dados, incluindo segurança, prevenção de fraudes, otimização de produtos, redução de riscos para o segurado, saber qual conteúdo é mais interessante para os leitores etc. A importância dos dados vai muito além do mundo on-line e muito além do mero uso no varejo em geral. Descrever qualquer empresa como detentora de monopólio dos dados é, portanto, um erro.
Em segundo lugar, não é o volume de dados que leva ao sucesso, mas como esses dados são usados para criar produtos ou serviços atrativos para os usuários. Em outras palavras: a informação é importante para as empresas devido ao valor que dela pode ser extraído, e não pelo valor inerente dos dados em si. Assim, muitas empresas que acumularam grandes volumes de dados foram posteriormente incapazes de transformar esses dados em uma vantagem competitiva para ter sucesso no mercado. Por exemplo, Orkut, AOL, Friendster, Myspace, Yahoo! e Flicker — para citar alguns — todos ganharam imensa popularidade e acesso a volumes significativas de dados, mas não conseguiram reter seus usuários porque seus produtos não eram, em última análise, inexpressivos.
Não só os dados são menos importantes do que o que deles pode ser extraído, mas também são menos importantes do que o produto subjacente que eles informam. Por exemplo, o Snapchat criou um concorrente para o Facebook com tanto sucesso (e em tão pouco tempo) que o Facebook tentou comprá-lo por $3 bilhões (o Google ofereceu $4 bilhões). Mas o interesse do Facebook no Snapchat não era sobre seus dados. Em vez disso, o Snapchat era valioso — e um desafio competitivo para o Facebook — porque incorporou inteligentemente a percepção (aparentemente nova) de que muitas pessoas queriam compartilhar informações de uma maneira mais privada.
Da mesma forma, Twitter, Instagram, LinkedIn, Yelp, TikTok (e o próprio Facebook) começaram com poucos (ou nenhum) dados, mas, no entanto, obtiveram sucesso. Enquanto isso, apesar de suas supostas vantagens de dados, a tentativa do Google em redes sociais, o Google+, jamais alcançou o Facebook em termos de popularidade entre os usuários (e, portanto, também não entre os anunciantes) e foi desativado em 2019.
Ao mesmo tempo, não é o caso em que os supostos gigantes de dados — aqueles que supostamente se isolam por trás das barreiras à entrada de dados — realmente tenham, de qualquer maneira, o tipo de dados mais relevante para as startups. Como argumentou Andres Lerner, se você quisesse iniciar um negócio de viagens, os dados do Kayak ou Priceline (ou Decolar.com local) seriam muito mais relevantes.[24] Ou se você quisesse iniciar um negócio de compartilhamento de veículos, os dados das empresas de táxi seriam mais úteis do que os perfis amplos e transversais de mercado que o Google e o Facebook têm. Considere empresas como a Uber e a 99 que não tinham dados de clientes quando começaram a desafiar as empresas de táxi estabelecidas que detinham desses dados. Se os dados fossem realmente tão significativos, elas jamais poderiam ter competido com sucesso. Mas a Uber e a 99 conseguiram competir efetivamente porque construíram produtos que os usuários queriam usar — elas tiveram uma ideia para uma armadilha melhor. Os dados que elas acumularam foram obtidos depois que elas inovaram, entraram no mercado e superaram seus desafios com sucesso — não antes.
Portanto, reclamações sobre dados que facilitam vantagens competitivas incontestáveis têm demonstrado exatamente o contrário. As empresas precisam inovar para atrair dados do consumidor; caso contrário, os consumidores migrarão para os concorrentes (incluindo novos entrantes e operadores estabelecidos). Como resultado, o desejo de fazer uso de mais e melhores dados impulsiona a inovação competitiva, com resultados claramente impressionantes: A explosão contínua de novos produtos, serviços e de outros aplicativos é uma evidência de que os dados não são um gargalo para a concorrência, mas um estímulo para impulsioná-la.
Em terceiro lugar, a concorrência on-line está (metaforicamente – mas não muito) a um clique ou deslize do polegar. Ou seja, as barreiras à entrada e os custos de migração são baixos. De fato, apesar da suposta prevalência de barreiras de dados à entrada, a concorrência on-line continua a aumentar, com os recém-chegados constantemente emergindo e triunfando. A entrada de varejistas on-line e de outras plataformas digitais no Brasil é um caso em questão (Vide Perguntas 1 e 2). Isso sugere que as barreiras à entrada não são tão altas a ponto de impedir uma concorrência robusta.
Novamente, apesar dos supostos monopólios baseados em dados do Facebook, Google, Amazon, Apple e outros, existem concorrentes poderosos nos mercados em que competem:
Mesmo supondo, a título de argumento, que os dados criam uma barreira à entrada, há poucas evidências de que os consumidores não possam migrar facilmente para um concorrente. Embora, em alguns casos, haja efeitos na rede on-line, como nas redes sociais, a história ainda mostra que as pessoas migrarão. O Myspace era considerado uma rede dominante, até que tomou uma série de decisões de negócios ruins, e os usuários acabaram no Facebook; O Orkut teve um destino semelhante. Da mesma forma, os usuários da Internet podem e usam o Bing, o DuckDuckGo, o Yahoo! e uma infinidade de mecanismos de busca mais especializados, além e no lugar do Google, e cada vez mais também recorrem a outras maneiras de encontrar informações on-line (como pesquisar uma marca ou um restaurante diretamente no Instagram ou no TikTok, ou fazer uma pergunta ao ChatGPT). De fato, o próprio Google já foi um entrante iniciante, que substituiu nomes antes familiares como Yahoo! e AltaVista.
Em quarto lugar, o acesso a dados não é exclusivo. Os dados não são como o petróleo. Se, por exemplo, a Petrobras perfurar e extrair petróleo do solo, esse petróleo não mais estará disponível para outras empresas. Os dados não são igualmente finitos. O Google saber o aniversário de alguém também não limita a capacidade do Facebook de saber o aniversário da mesma pessoa. Embora os bancos de dados possam ser proprietários, os dados subjacentes não o são. E o que importa mais do que os dados em si é o nível de qualidade com que eles são analisados (veja o primeiro ponto). Como os dados não são exclusivos como o petróleo, qualquer tentativa de forçar o compartilhamento de dados e ajudar os concorrentes cria um problema de oportunismo. Por que passar pelo esforço de coletar dados valiosos sobre os clientes para saber o que eles querem e ser capaz de melhor atendê-los, quando a regulamentação exige que a Apple efetivamente forneça os dados?
Em conclusão, o problema de conceder aos concorrentes acesso aos dados é que os dados são uma consequência da concorrência, não um pré-requisito para ela. Assim, em vez de aumentar sua capacidade de competir, “presentear” os concorrentes com os frutos de tentativas bem-sucedidas de concorrência de outros corre o risco de destruir os incentivos de ambos os grupos para projetar produtos atrativos e acumular esses dados em primeiro lugar. Ao reverter a causalidade entre dados e concorrência, o Projeto de Lei 2768 corre o risco de sufocar inadvertidamente a mesma concorrência que supostamente busca reforçar.
Cite casos em que uma empresa no mercado digital no Brasil usou dados de terceiros em função de sua característica de provedor de insumo essencial, prejudicando o terceiro competitivamente?
No entanto, o enquadramento desta pergunta deve ser claro sobre o que se entende por “prejudicar um terceiro competitivamente”. O uso de dados de terceiros é um dos principais impulsionadores da concorrência. Mesmo que os concorrentes sejam “prejudicados” como resultado, eles são prejudicados apenas na medida em que não se equiparem ao preço ou à qualidade oferecidos pela plataforma.
A concorrência é, em grande parte, impulsionada pelo uso do conhecimento dos produtos dos rivais — incluindo seu preço, qualidade, quantidade e como eles são vendidos e apresentados aos consumidores. De fato, o modelo de concorrência perfeita pressupõe, em grande medida, que todos os produtos no mercado são homogêneos (mesmo que isso raramente seja confirmado na prática). O uso de dados de terceiros para igualar e superar as ofertas dos concorrentes pode ser visto como uma expressão moderna dessa dinâmica. De fato, como já escrevemos antes:
Não podemos presumir que algo é ruim para a concorrência apenas porque é ruim para determinados concorrentes. Muitos comportamentos inequivocamente pró-concorrência, como o corte de preços, também tendem a dificultar a vida dos concorrentes. O mesmo acontece quando uma plataforma digital fornece um serviço melhor do que as alternativas fornecidas por terceiros vendedores no site. […]. Não há dúvida de que isso é desagradável para os comerciantes que precisam competir com essas ofertas. Mas também não é diferente de ter de competir com rivais mais eficientes, com custos mais baixos ou melhor percepção de demanda do consumidor. Copiar produtos e buscar maneiras de oferecê-los com melhores recursos ou a um preço mais baixo, que os críticos da autopreferência destacam como uma preocupação particular, sempre foi uma parte fundamental da concorrência no mercado – de fato, é a principal maneira pela qual a concorrência ocorre na maioria dos mercados.[25]
Não podemos presumir que algo é ruim para a concorrência apenas porque é ruim para determinados concorrentes. Muitos comportamentos inequivocamente pró-concorrência, como o corte de preços, também tendem a dificultar a vida dos concorrentes. O mesmo acontece quando uma plataforma digital fornece um serviço melhor do que as alternativas fornecidas por terceiros vendedores no site. […].
Não há dúvida de que isso é desagradável para os comerciantes que precisam competir com essas ofertas. Mas também não é diferente de ter de competir com rivais mais eficientes, com custos mais baixos ou melhor percepção de demanda do consumidor. Copiar produtos e buscar maneiras de oferecê-los com melhores recursos ou a um preço mais baixo, que os críticos da autopreferência destacam como uma preocupação particular, sempre foi uma parte fundamental da concorrência no mercado – de fato, é a principal maneira pela qual a concorrência ocorre na maioria dos mercados.[25]
Qualquer proibição per se do uso de dados de terceiros impediria as plataformas digitais de usar dados para melhorar sua oferta de produtos de maneiras que poderiam beneficiar os consumidores.
Recomendação: Supondo que a lei de concorrência e a lei de PI (Propriedade Intelectual) não estejam à altura da tarefa de coibir abusos de dados de terceiros, o Projeto de Lei 2768 deve garantir que essas proibições sejam feitas sob medida para cobrir condutas que não tenham outra explicação racional além de procurar excluir um concorrente. Ele não deve capturar usos de dados de terceiros que impulsionem a concorrência e beneficiem os consumidores, mesmo que isso resulte na saída de um concorrente do mercado.
Descreva casos em que uma dificuldade de interoperabilidade com os sistemas de uma empresa torna muito difícil ou impossível a entrada em um ou mais mercados digitais. Como o PL 2768/2022 poderia mitigar este problema, reduzindo a barreira à entrada representada por falta de interoperabilidade?
No entanto, ao considerar potenciais mandatos de interoperabilidade, o governo deve estar ciente dos riscos e compensações que acompanham essas medidas, especialmente em termos de segurança, proteção e privacidade (vide Pergunta 8 para obter uma discussão mais detalhada).
O Digital Market Act (DMA) Europeu optou por realizar proibições absolutas (per se) de algumas condutas nos mercados digitais como o self-preferencing, dentre outras. Já o PL 2768/2022 optou por não fazer qualquer conduta proibida ex-ante. Caberia haver uma ou mais condutas com proibições absolutas (per se) no PL 2768/2022? Por que? Por favor, propor redação, explicitando em que parte do PL se localizaria?
Não. Não deve haver proibições absolutas sobre esses tipos de conduta, especialmente sem experiência substantiva que sugira que essa conduta é sempre ou quase sempre prejudicial e em grande parte irremediável (neste item, respondemos à pergunta em termos gerais; consulte a Pergunta 8 para obter uma discussão sobre por que determinada conduta (por exemplo, autopreferência) não deve ser proibida).
Independentemente do dano aos negócios das empresas-alvo, proibições (ou mandatos) excessivamente amplas podem prejudicar os consumidores, arrefecendo a conduta pró-concorrência e desestimulando a inovação e o investimento, especialmente quando não for necessária uma demonstração de dano e a lei não for passível de argumentos de eficiência (como no caso do DMA). O fato de que essas proibições se aplicam a mercados muito diferentes (por exemplo, serviços em nuvem têm pouca relação com mecanismos de busca), independentemente do contexto, também é um sinal claro de que elas são excessivamente amplas e mal definidas.
De fato, há indícios de que, onde o DMA foi introduzido, ele atrasou o avanço da tecnologia. Por exemplo, a “Bard AI” do Google foi lançada mais tarde na Europa devido aos regulamentos incertos e rígidos de IA e privacidade da UE.[26] Da mesma forma, o “Threads” da Meta não está disponível na UE precisamente devido às restrições impostas pelo DMA e pelo regulamento de privacidade de dados da UE (GDPR).[27] Elon Musk, CEO da X (anteriormente Twitter), indicou que o custo de cumprir os regulamentos digitais da UE, como o DSA, poderia levar a empresa a sair do mercado europeu.[28] Recentemente, a Microsoft atrasou o lançamento na Europa de sua nova IA, “Copilot”, por causa do DMA.[29]
Além de capturar a conduta pró-concorrência que beneficia os consumidores e congelar a tecnologia no tempo (o que acabaria por exacerbar o abismo tecnológico entre países mais e menos avançados), as regras rígidas per se também poderiam capturar muitas empresas emergentes que não podem ser consideradas “guardiãs” por qualquer nível de imaginação. Esse risco é especialmente real no caso do Brasil, dado o limite extremamente baixo para o que constitui um “guardião”, consagrado no Artigo 9 (R$70 milhões, ou aproximadamente US$14 milhões). Assim, muitos unicórnios brasileiros poderiam, imediatamente ou em um futuro próximo, ser capturados pelas novas regras restritivas, o que poderia prejudicar seu crescimento e arrefecer produtos inovadores. Em última análise, isso poderia colocar em risco o status atual do Brasil como “o centro de startups mais bem estabelecido [da América Latina”] e lançar uma sombra sobre o que a The Economist se referiu como o futuro brilhante das startups latino-americanas.[30]
A lista de empresas prejudicadas pode incluir alguns dos unicórnios mais promissores do Brasil, como:
Haveria condutas nos mercados digitais que teriam uma alta potencialidade de implicar problemas competitivos, mas que podem ser justificadas como gerar maior eficiência às empresas, às transações e aos mercados? Dê exemplos destas condutas? Como estas condutas deveriam ser tratadas no PL 2768/2022? Em particular, seria cabível uma “inversão de ônus da prova” em que tais condutas seriam presumivelmente anticompetitivas, mas que seria cabível autorizar uma defesa das plataformas digitais baseadas nessas eficiências? Caberia contemplar estas condutas não como proibidas per se, mas com “inversão de ônus da prova” no PL 2768/2022?
Existem certos tipos de comportamento nos mercados digitais que foram alvo de regulamentações prévias, mas que são, no entanto, capazes ou mesmo fundamentais para oferecer benefícios pró-concorrência significativos. Seria injustificado e prejudicial sujeitar essa conduta a proibições per se ou inverter o ônus da prova. Em vez disso, esse tipo de conduta deve ser abordado de forma imparcial e examinado caso a caso.[32]
A autopreferência ocorre quando uma empresa oferece tratamento preferencial a um de seus próprios produtos (presumidamente, esse tipo de comportamento poderia ser coberto pelo art. 10, inciso II, do PL 2768). Um exemplo seria o Google exibir seu serviço de compras no topo dos resultados de busca antes dos serviços de compras alternativos. Os críticos dessa prática argumentam que ela coloca as empresas dominantes em concorrência com outras empresas que dependem de seus serviços, e isso permite que as empresas alavanquem seu poder em um mercado para ganhar posição em um mercado adjacente, expandindo e consolidando seu domínio. No entanto, esse comportamento também pode ser pró-concorrência e benéfico para os usuários.
Nos últimos anos, um número crescente de críticos tem argumentado que as grandes plataformas de tecnologia prejudicam a concorrência ao favorecer seu próprio conteúdo em detrimento de seus complementadores. Ao longo do tempo, esse argumento contra a autopreferência tornou-se um dos mais proeminentes entre aqueles que buscam impor novas restrições regulatórias a essas plataformas.
De acordo com essa linha de argumentação, os complementadores estariam “à mercê” das plataformas tecnológicas. Ao discriminar em favor de seu próprio conteúdo e contra “provedores de ponta” independentes, as plataformas de tecnologia fazem com que “as recompensas pela inovação de ponta [sejam] atenuadas pela apropriação descontrolada”, levando a perspectivas “sombrias” para os atores independentes na economia da internet – e a inovação de ponta em geral. “[33]
O problema, no entanto, é que as alegações de dano presuntivo da autopreferência (também conhecida como “discriminação vertical”) não se baseiam em dados econômicos sólidos nem em evidências.
A noção de que a entrada da plataformas em concorrência com provedores de ponta é prejudicial à inovação é inteiramente especulativa. Além disso, é totalmente contrário a uma série de estudos que mostram que o oposto provavelmente é verdadeiro. Na realidade, a competição de plataformas é mais complicada do que as simples teorias de discriminação vertical,[34] e a literatura estabelece que certamente não há base para presunção de dano.[35]
A noção de que as plataformas devem ser forçadas a permitir que os complementadores concorram em seus próprios termos, livres de restrições ou concorrência de plataformas, é uma espécie de ideia de que as plataformas são mais socialmente valiosas quando são mais “abertas”. Mas a obrigatoriedade da abertura não é isenta de custos, o mais importante em termos do funcionamento eficaz da plataforma e de seus próprios incentivos à inovação.
Plataformas “abertas” e “fechadas” são formas diferentes de fornecer serviços semelhantes, e há espaço para concorrência entre essas abordagens alternativas. Ao proibir a autopreferência, um órgão regulador pode, portanto, encerrar a concorrência em detrimento dos consumidores. Como observamos em outra parte:
Para a Apple (e seus usuários), a pedra de toque de uma boa plataforma não é “abertura”, mas seleção e segurança cuidadosamente escolhidas, entendidas amplamente como abrangendo a remoção de conteúdo censurável, proteção da privacidade e proteção contra “engenharia social” e similares. Por outro lado, a aposta do Android é no modelo de plataforma aberta, que sacrifica algum grau de segurança pela maior variedade e personalização associadas a uma distribuição mais aberta. Essas são diferenças legítimas no design do produto e na filosofia de negócios.[36]
Além disso, é importante notar que a apropriação da inovação de ponta e sua incorporação à plataforma (uma forma comumente criticada de autopreferência da plataforma) aumenta muito o valor da inovação, compartilhando-a de forma mais ampla, garantindo sua coerência com a plataforma, incentivando o marketing e a promoção ideais e afins. Os smartphones hoje são uma coleção de muitos recursos que costumavam ser oferecidos separadamente, como telefones, calculadoras, câmeras e consoles de jogos, e fica claro que a incorporação desses recursos em um único dispositivo trouxe imensos benefícios aos consumidores e à sociedade como um todo. Em outras palavras, mesmo que haja um custo em termos de redução de inovação de ponta, os ganhos imediatos de bem-estar do consumidor com a apropriação da plataforma podem muito bem superar essas perdas (especulativas).
Fundamentalmente, as plataformas têm um incentivo para otimizar a abertura (e garantir aos complementadores retornos suficientes em seus investimentos específicos da plataforma). No entanto, isso não significa que a abertura máxima seja ideal; de fato, normalmente uma plataforma bem gerenciada exercerá controle de cima para baixo quando essa medida for mais importante e a abertura onde o controle ocorrer for menos significativa.[37]
Mas isso significa que é impossível saber se alguma restrição específica da plataforma (incluindo a autopriorização) na conduta do provedor de ponta é prejudicial e, da mesma forma, se qualquer mudança de mais para menos abertura (ou o contrário) é prejudicial.
Essa é a situação que leva à estrutura indeterminada e complexa dos empreendimentos de plataforma. Considere as grandes plataformas on-line, como Google e Facebook, por exemplo. Essas entidades obtêm a participação de usuários e complementadores ao disponibilizar gratuitamente o acesso às suas plataformas para uma ampla gama de usos, exercendo controle sobre o acesso apenas de maneira limitada para garantir alta qualidade e desempenho. Ao mesmo tempo, no entanto, esses operadores de plataforma também oferecem serviços proprietários em concorrência com complementadores, ou oferecem partes da plataforma para venda ou uso apenas mediante termos mais restritivos que facilitam um retorno financeiro à plataforma.
A chave é entender que, embora as restrições ao acesso e uso dos complementadores possam parecer restritivas, quando comparadas com um mundo imaginário sem restrições, nesse mundo a plataforma primeiramente nem sequer seria construída. Além disso, em comparação com o outro extremo — apropriação total (em que circunstâncias a plataforma também não seria construída…) — essas restrições são relativamente menores e representam muito menos do que a apropriação total de valor ou restrição de acesso. Como Jonathan Barnett resume adequadamente:
A [plataforma], portanto, enfrenta uma questão de compensação básica. Por um lado, deve perder o controle sobre uma parte da plataforma para obter a adoção do usuário. Por outro lado, deve exercer controle sobre alguma outra parte da plataforma, ou algum conjunto de bens ou serviços complementares, a fim de acumular receitas para cobrir os custos de desenvolvimento e manutenção (e, no caso de uma entidade com fins lucrativos, a fim de capturar quaisquer lucros remanescentes).[38]
Por exemplo, as empresas podem optar por favorecer seus próprios produtos ou serviços porque são elas mais capazes de garantir sua qualidade ou entrega rápida.[39] O Mercado Livre, por exemplo, pode estar em melhor posição para garantir que os produtos fornecidos pelo serviço de logística ‘Mercado Envios’ sejam entregues em tempo hábil em comparação com outros serviços. Os consumidores também podem se beneficiar da autopreferência de outras maneiras. Se, por exemplo, o Google fosse impedido de priorizar os vídeos do Google Maps ou do YouTube em seus resultados de busca, poderia ser mais difícil para os usuários encontrar resultados ideais e relevantes. Se a Amazon for proibida de preferir sua própria linha de produtos no mercado, ela poderá optar por não vender os produtos da concorrência.
O poder de proibir a exigência ou o incentivo de clientes de um produto para usar outro permitiria a limitação ou prevenção da autopreferência e de outros comportamentos semelhantes. Concedido, o direito da concorrência tradicional tem procurado restringir o “agrupamento” de produtos, exigindo que eles sejam comprados juntos, mas proibir o incentivo também vai muito além.
Outro mot du jour é a interoperabilidade, que pode se enquadrar no art. 10, inciso IV, do PL 2768. No contexto da regulamentação digital prévia, “interoperabilidade” significa que as empresas abrangidas podem ser forçadas a garantir que seus produtos se integrem a produtos de outras empresas. Por exemplo, exigir que uma rede social esteja aberta à integração com outros serviços e aplicativos, que um sistema operacional móvel esteja aberto a lojas de aplicativos de terceiros ou que um serviço de mensagens seja compatível com outros serviços de mensagens. Sem regulamentação, as empresas podem ou não optar por tornar seu software interoperável. No entanto, o DMA da Europa e a futura Lei de Mercados Digitais, Concorrência e Consumo (“DMCC”) do Reino Unido[40] permitirão que as autoridades assim o exijam. Outro exemplo é a “portabilidade” de dados, que permite aos clientes transferir seus dados de um fornecedor para outro, da mesma forma que um número de telefone pode ser mantido quando se muda de rede.
O argumento usual é que o poder de exigir interoperabilidade pode ser necessário para “superar os efeitos da rede e as barreiras à entrada/expansão”. No entanto, o governo brasileiro não deve ignorar que essa solução representa custos para a escolha do consumidor, em particular por levantar dificuldades com segurança e privacidade, além de ter benefícios questionáveis para a concorrência. De fato, não é como se a concorrência desaparecesse quando os clientes não conseguem migrar tão facilmente quanto ao acender uma luz. As empresas competem antecipadamente para atrair esses consumidores por meio de táticas como preços de penetração, ofertas introdutórias e guerras de preços.[41]
Um sistema fechado, ou seja, com interoperabilidade comparativamente limitada, pode ajudar a limitar os riscos de segurança e privacidade. Isso pode incentivar o uso da plataforma e melhorar a experiência do usuário. Por exemplo, ao permanecer relativamente fechada e com curadoria, a App Store da Apple oferece aos usuários a garantia de que os aplicativos atenderão a um determinado padrão de segurança e confiabilidade. Assim, ecossistemas “abertos” e “fechados” não são sinônimos de “bons” e “ruins” e, em vez disso, representam duas filosofias diferentes de design de produto, qualquer uma das quais pode ser preferida pelos consumidores. Ao forçar as empresas a operar plataformas “abertas”, as obrigações de interoperabilidade poderiam, assim, minar esse tipo de concorrência entre marcas e anular as escolhas do consumidor.
Além de potencialmente prejudicar a experiência do usuário, também é duvidoso que alguns dos mandatos de interoperabilidade, como aqueles entre mídias sociais ou serviços de mensagens, possam atingir seu objetivo declarado de reduzir as barreiras à entrada e promover uma maior concorrência. Os consumidores não são necessariamente mais propensos a migrar de plataforma simplesmente porque são interoperáveis. Na verdade, há um argumento a ser feito de que tornar os aplicativos de mensagens interoperáveis de fato reduz o incentivo para baixar aplicativos concorrentes, já que os usuários já podem interagir com os aplicativos dos concorrentes a partir do aplicativo de mensagens existente.
Algumas regras prévias procuram abordar a capacidade das empresas de influenciar a escolha dos aplicativos pelo usuário por meio da pré-instalação, padrões e design de lojas de aplicativos (isso pode se enquadrar no art. 10, parágrafo II, do Projeto de Lei 2768). Isso às vezes resultou na imposição de exigências para fornecer aos usuários “telas de seleção”, por exemplo, exigindo que os usuários escolham qual mecanismo de busca ou serviço de mapeamento está instalado em seu telefone. Nesse sentido, é importante entender as compensações em jogo aqui discutidas: as telas de seleção podem facilitar a competição, mas podem fazê-lo às custas da experiência do usuário, em termos do tempo necessário para fazer essas escolhas. Existe o risco, sem evidência de demanda do consumidor por ‘telas de seleção’, de que essas regras imponham a preferência do legislador por maior opcionalidade sobre o que é mais conveniente para os usuários. A menos que haja uma demanda pública explícita no Brasil por essas medidas, seria imprudente implementar uma obrigação de tela de seleção.
Em geral, muitas das proibições e obrigações contempladas nas regras prévias visam o tamanho, a escalabilidade e a “importância estratégica” dos operadores existentes.”
É amplamente alegado que, devido aos efeitos de rede, os mercados digitais são propensos a “tombamento”, pelo que, quando um produtor ganha uma participação suficiente no mercado, ele rapidamente se torna um monopolista completo ou quase completo. Embora possam começar sendo muito competitivos, esses mercados, portanto, exibem uma característica marcante de o “vencedor leva tudo”. As regras prévias geralmente tentam evitar ou reverter esse resultado, visando o porte de uma empresa ou empresas com poder de mercado.
No entanto, existem muitos investimentos e inovações que – se permitidos – beneficiarão os consumidores, seja imediatamente ou no longo prazo, mas que podem ter algum efeito no aumento do poder de mercado, no porte de uma empresa ou em sua importância estratégica. De fato, melhorar os produtos de uma empresa e, assim, aumentar suas vendas muitas vezes levará a um aumento do poder de mercado.
Consequentemente, a segmentação de “porte/tamanho” ou conduta que reforça o poder de mercado, sem qualquer evidência de dano, cria um sério perigo de inibição muito ampla de pesquisa, inovação e investimento – tudo em detrimento dos consumidores. Na medida em que tais regras impeçam o crescimento e o desenvolvimento de empresas estabelecidas, elas também podem prejudicar a concorrência, uma vez é bem possível que essas mesmas empresas – se permitido – sejam mais propensas a desafiar o poder de mercado de outras empresas em outros mercados adjacentes. Os casos de lançamento de serviços de vídeo sob demanda da Disney, Apple, Amazon e Globo para competir com a Netflix e a introdução pela Meta do ‘Threads’, como um adversário do Twitter (ou ‘X’), parecem ser um exemplo. Neste caso, regras per se que tenham o objetivo de proibir o aumento do porte ou do poder de mercado em uma área podem, de fato, impedir a entrada de uma empresa em um mercado dominado por outra. Neste caso, a ação dos legisladores protege o poder de monopólio. Portanto, é necessária uma abordagem muito mais sutil da regulamentação.
A referência do Projeto de Lei 2768 a The Curse of Bigness, de Tim Wu, que notoriamente adota um ethos redutivo de “grande é ruim”, sugere que poderia estar sendo feita uma suposição igualmente falha.[42]
Não consideramos apropriado reverter o ônus da prova em nenhum caso, no contexto das plataformas digitais. Sem evidências substanciais de que essa conduta cause danos generalizados a um interesse público bem definido (por exemplo, semelhante aos cartéis no contexto da lei de defesa da concorrência), não há justificativa para uma reversão do ônus da prova, e qualquer reversão nesse sentido corre o risco de minar os benefícios ao consumidor, a inovação e desencorajar o investimento na economia brasileira pelo medo justificado de que a conduta pró-concorrência resulte em multas e recursos. Da mesma forma, acreditamos que, quando o órgão executor nomeado estabelece um processo prima facie de dano, seja no contexto da lei de defesa da concorrência ou da regulamentação digital prévia, ele também deve estar preparado para abordar argumentos relacionados à eficiência.
É necessário que haja um regulador? Se sim, qual regulador estaria melhor capacitado para implementar a regulação prevista no PL 2768/2022? Anatel, o CADE, a ANPD, outro regulador existente ou novo? Justifique.
Apesar da falta de clareza com relação às metas e aos objetivos da lei, as regras propostas pelo Projeto de Lei 2768 parecem ser baseadas na concorrência, pelo menos na medida em que buscam reforçar a livre concorrência, a proteção do consumidor e combater o “abuso de poder econômico” (art. 4). Portanto, o órgão mais bem posicionado para aplicá-la seria, em princípio, o CADE (os objetivos da Lei 12.529/11, a Lei da Concorrência brasileira, se sobrepõem significativamente aos do Projeto de Lei 2768). Por outro lado, há um risco palpável de que, no cumprimento de suas atribuições nos termos do Projeto de Lei 2768, a Anatel poderia transpor a lógica e os princípios da regulamentação das telecomunicações para os mercados “digitais”, o que é um equívoco porque são duas coisas muito diferentes.
Não apenas os mercados “digitais” são substancialmente diferentes dos mercados de telecomunicações, mas realmente não existe um conceito claramente demarcado de “mercado digital”. Por exemplo, as plataformas digitais descritas no art. 6, parágrafo II, da Lei 2768 não são homogêneas e abrangem uma variedade de modelos de negócios diferentes. Além disso, praticamente todos os mercados hoje incorporam elementos “digitais”, como dados. De fato, as empresas que operam em setores tão divergentes como varejo, seguros, saúde, farmacêutica, produção e distribuição, foram todas “digitalizadas”. Assim, parece necessário um órgão executor com sutil entendimento da dinâmica da digitalização e, principalmente, das idiossincrasias das plataformas digitais como mercados bilaterais. Embora o CADE indiscutivelmente careça de experiência substantiva com plataformas digitais, ele está em melhor posição para fazer cumprir o Projeto de Lei 2768 do que a Anatel por causa de sua profunda experiência com a aplicação da política de concorrência.
Você avalia que poderia haver algum risco de bis in idem entre o regulador e a autoridade de concorrência com a mesma conduta sendo analisada por ambos?
Com base na experiência da UE, existe um risco de dupla penalização na interseção entre o direito da concorrência tradicional e a regulamentação digital prévia.
A título de comparação, e como escreveu Giuseppe Colangelo, o DMA baseia-se explicitamente na noção de que o direito da concorrência por si só é insuficiente para enfrentar efetivamente os desafios e problemas sistêmicos colocados pela economia da plataforma digital.[43] De fato, o escopo de defesa da concorrência é limitado a determinadas instâncias de poder de mercado (por exemplo, domínio em mercados específicos) e de comportamento anticompetitivo. Além disso, sua execução ocorre posteriormente e requer uma extensa investigação caso a caso do que muitas vezes são conjuntos de fatos muito complexos, e talvez não consigam abordar efetivamente os desafios ao bom funcionamento dos mercados colocados pela conduta dos guardiões, que não são necessariamente dominantes em termos do direito da concorrência — ou assim argumentam seus proponentes. Como resultado, regimes como o DMA invocam a intervenção regulatória para complementar as regras tradicionais do direito da concorrência, introduzindo um conjunto de obrigações prévias para plataformas on-line designadas como guardiães. Isso também permite que os órgãos executores se liberem do processo trabalhoso de definir mercados relevantes, provar dominância e mensurar os efeitos do mercado.
No entanto, apesar das alegações de que o DMA não é um instrumento do direito da concorrência e, portanto, não afetaria a forma como as regras de defesa da concorrência se aplicam nos mercados digitais, o regime parece obscurecer a linha entre regulamentação e defesa da concorrência, misturando suas respectivas características e objetivos. De fato, o DMA compartilha os mesmos objetivos e protege os mesmos interesses legais que o direito da concorrência.
Além disso, sua lista de proibições é efetivamente uma sinopse de processos de defesa da concorrência antigos e em andamento, como o Google Shopping (Processo T-612/17), a Apple (AT.40437) e a Amazon (Processos AT.40462 e AT.40703).[44] Reconhecendo a continuidade entre o direito da concorrência e o DMA, a European Competition Network (ECN) e alguns estados membros da UE (auto-intitulados “amigos de um DMA eficaz”) propuseram inicialmente capacitar as autoridades nacionais de defesa da concorrência (NCAs) para fazer cumprir as obrigações do DMA.[45]
Da mesma forma, as proibições e obrigações previstas no Art. 10 do PL 2768 poderiam, em tese, ser todas impostas pelo CADE. Na verdade, o CADE investigou, e ainda está investigando, várias grandes empresas que (provavelmente) se enquadram no âmbito do Projeto de Lei 2768, como o Google, Apple, Meta, (ainda sob investigação) Booking.com, Decolar.com, Expedia e iFood (investigações encerradas por acordo de cessação e desistência) e Uber (todas as investigações encerradas sem penalidades; após um estudo econômico, o CADE constatou que a entrada do Uber beneficiou os consumidores[46]). As investigações passadas e presentes do CADE contra essas empresas já abrangeram condutas que são alvo da DMA e do PL 2768, como recusa de negociação, auto preferência e discriminação.[47] As normas de concorrência existentes nos termos da Lei 12.529/11, a Lei de Concorrência Brasileira, portanto, claramente já captura o tipo de conduta que está incluída no Projeto de Lei 2768. Além disso, o requisito de usar dados “adequadamente” provavelmente é coberto pela regulamentação de proteção de dados no Brasil (Lei Geral de Proteção de Dados, LGPD, Lei Federal nº 13.709/2018).
A diferença entre os dois regimes é que, enquanto a lei geral antitruste exige uma demonstração de dano (mesmo que potencial) e isenta condutas com benefícios líquidos aos consumidores, o Projeto de Lei 2768, em princípio, não o faz. O único princípio limitante às proibições e obrigações contidas no Art. 10 Art. 11 (III) é o princípio da proporcionalidade — que é um princípio geral do direito constitucional e deve, em qualquer caso, ser aplicado independentemente do Projeto de Lei 2768. Assim, o único princípio limitante do Art. 10, enquadrado de forma ampla, é redundante.
Há uma outra complicação. O Projeto de Lei 2768 persegue muitos (embora não todos) dos mesmos objetivos que a Lei 12.529/11. Na medida em que esses objetivos são compartilhados, isso pode levar a um bis in idem, ou seja, a mesma conduta ser punida duas vezes sob regimes ligeiramente diferentes. Mas também poderia produzir resultados contraditórios porque, como apontado acima, os objetivos perseguidos pelos dois projetos de lei não são idênticos. A Lei 12.529/11 é orientada pelos objetivos de “livre concorrência, liberdade de iniciativa, papel social da propriedade, defesa do consumidor e prevenção do abuso do poder econômico” (Art. 1º). A esses objetivos, o Projeto de Lei 2768 acrescenta “redução das desigualdades regionais e sociais” e “aumento da participação social em questões de interesse público”. Embora seja verdade que esses princípios derivam do Art. 170 da Constituição Brasileira (“ordem econômica”), o descompasso entre os objetivos da Lei 12.529/11 e do Projeto de Lei 2768 e suas autoridades de supervisão é suficiente para levar a situações em que a conduta permitida ou mesmo incentivada pela Lei 12.529/11 é proibida pelo Projeto de Lei 2768. Por exemplo, a conduta pró concorrência por uma plataforma coberta pode, no entanto, exacerbar “desigualdades regionais ou sociais” porque investe fortemente em uma região, mas não em outras. Da mesma forma, medidas de segurança, privacidade e proteção implementadas por, digamos, um operador de uma App Store, que normalmente seriam consideradas benéficas para os consumidores nos termos da lei antitruste,[48] poderiam levar a uma menor participação em discussões de interesse público (assumindo que se poderia facilmente definir o significado de tal termo).
Consequentemente, o Projeto de Lei 2768 poderia fragmentar a estrutura legal do Brasil devido a sobreposições com o direito da concorrência, sufocar a conduta pró concorrência e levar a resultados contraditórios. Isso, por sua vez, provavelmente afetará a segurança jurídica e o estado democrático de direito no Brasil, o que poderia afetar adversamente o Investimento Estrangeiro Direto.[49] Além disso, é provável que a coordenação entre o CADE e a Anatel seja onerosa caso esta última acabe sendo a fiscalização designada do PL 2768. O Brasil teria essencialmente duas Leis que buscam objetivos iguais ou semelhantes sendo implementados por duas agências diferentes, com todos os custos extras de conformidade e coordenação que acompanham essa duplicidade.
Qual sua avaliação acerca do critério do art. 9 do PL 2768/2022? Deve ser alterado? Por qual critério? Cabe fazer a designação de detentor de poder de controle de acesso essencial serviço a serviço?
Esse critério parece arbitrário e, de qualquer modo, extremamente irrelevante. Não há nenhuma razão objetiva que vincule o “poder de controlar o acesso” ao volume de negócios. Além disso, mesmo que se admita, por uma questão de argumentação, que o volume de negócios é um indicador relevante de poder de gatekeeper, um limite de R$ 70 milhões capturaria dezenas, se não centenas, de empresas ativas em uma variedade de setores. Isso pode levar a uma situação em que uma lei que inicialmente — e supostamente — visava empresas “digitais” muito específicas, como o Google, Amazon, Apple, Microsoft, etc., acaba, em geral, cobrindo uma série de outras empresas comparativamente pequenas, incluindo alguns dos unicórnios mais valiosos do Brasil (ver Pergunta 7). Por outro lado, também é questionável, do ponto de vista do estado democrático de direito, se uma lei deve procurar identificar antecipadamente as empresas específicas às quais se aplicará.
As lições podem ser tiradas da DMCC do Reino Unido, que cometeu um erro semelhante. De acordo com o atual projeto da DMCC, a CMA do Reino Unido poderá designar uma empresa como se tivesse “status de mercado significativo” (“SMS”) se participar de uma “atividade digital ligada ao Reino Unido” e, em relação a essa atividade digital, se tiver “poder de mercado substancial e arraigado” e estiver em “uma posição de importância estratégica” (s. 2), assim como contar com um faturamento de pelo menos £ 1 bilhão no Reino Unido ou £ 25 bilhões globalmente (s. 7).[50] O governo britânico afirmou anteriormente que o “regime será direcionado a um pequeno número de empresas”.
No entanto, com exceção do limite monetário, os critérios de SMS são todos amplamente definidos e poderiam, em teoria, capturar até 530 empresas (em março de 2022, havia 530 empresas com mais de £ 1 bilhão em receita no Reino Unido, de acordo com o Departamento de Estatísticas Nacionais).[51] Assim, embora o governo afirme que o novo regime é destinado a um punhado de empresas, na prática, o CMA terá o poder de interferir de várias maneiras novas em amplas faixas da economia.
O Artigo 9º do Projeto de Lei 2768 se depara com um problema semelhante. Deferido, identifica os tipos de serviços aos quais o Projeto de Lei se aplicaria de uma forma que a DMCC não faz. No entanto, algumas das categorias previstas ainda são muito amplas: por exemplo, os serviços de intermediação online podem abranger qualquer site que conecte compradores e vendedores ou facilite transações entre duas partes. “Sistemas operacionais” são dispositivos eletrônicos predominantes muito além do iOS da Apple e do Android do Google. De fato, um sistema operacional é apenas um programa ou conjunto de programas de um sistema de computador, que gerencia os recursos físicos (hardware), os protocolos de execução do restante do conteúdo (software), bem como a interface do usuário. Eles podem ser encontrados em muitos dispositivos do dia a dia, seja por meio de interfaces gráficas de usuário, ambientes de desktop, gerenciadores de window ou linhas de comando, dependendo da natureza do dispositivo.
As empresas que prestam esses serviços, independentemente de sua posição na concorrência, participação de mercado, setor do qual fazem parte ou quaisquer outras considerações econômicas ou de fato, seriam todas abrangidas pelo PL 2768, desde que atendessem o (baixo) limite de R$ 70 milhões. O resultado é que o fiscalizador poderá aplicar a o Projeto de Lei 2768 contra uma série de empresas muito diferentes, algumas das quais podem realmente não estar em posição de prejudicar a concorrência ou usar indevidamente seu poder de mercado. Como consequência, o Projeto de Lei corre o risco de desencorajar o crescimento, a inovação e, de fato, o sucesso, à medida que as empresas se tornam cautelosas em ultrapassar um certo limite por medo de serem pegas na mira do regulador. Juntamente com uma reversão do ônus da prova e a possibilidade de ignorar argumentos de eficiência, o Projeto de Lei daria ao fiscalizador poderes robustos e não controlados, o que poderia levantar questões do estado democrático de direito.
Este problema pode ser remediado, pelo menos em certa medida, adicionando uma série de critérios qualitativos que podem ou não funcionar cumulativamente com os limites quantitativos previstos no Projeto de Lei. Esses critérios devem exigir uma demonstração de que as empresas em questão controlam o acesso a instalações essenciais, que tais instalações não podem ser razoavelmente replicadas e que o acesso está sendo negado com a ameaça de que a concorrência no mercado possa ser eliminada (consulte a Pergunta 1 para discussão sobre a integração da doutrina de instalações essenciais no Projeto de Lei 2768). Além disso, o Projeto de Lei 2768 deve alavancar as medições existentes do poder de mercado a partir da lei da concorrência, como a capacidade de controlar a produção e aumentar os preços. Os critérios quantitativos, se usados, devem ser significativamente maiores e também se referem ao número de usuários ativos em cada serviço de plataforma coberto. “Usuário ativo” deve, nesse sentido, ser definido como um usuário que usa um serviço específico pelo menos uma vez por dia e, no mínimo, uma vez por semana.
O que você achou das regras sobre o Fundo de Fiscalização das Plataformas Digitais do art. 15 do PL 2768/2022? Haveria uma outra forma de financiar este tipo de atividade regulatória do governo?
Existem muitas maneiras de financiar a atividade regulatória governamental que não exigem que as empresas-alvo paguem um imposto anual. As agências governamentais são normalmente financiadas pelo orçamento geral do governo — que deve ser o mesmo para a agência que executa o Projeto de Lei 2768.
Existem pelo menos duas questões sobre a abordagem atual nos termos do Art. 15. A primeira é a captura. Se a atividade de uma agência for financiada pelas empresas reguladas, isso pode levar à captura da agência pela empresa regulada e facilitar a busca de renda — ou seja, a situação em que uma empresa usa o regulador para obter uma vantagem injusta sobre os concorrentes. Em segundo lugar, também cria um incentivo por parte da agência e do governo para ampliar o escopo das empresas-alvo, como forma de garantir mais financiamento e recursos. Isso cria um incentivo perverso que não se alinha ao interesse público. Também desencoraja o investimento e, de certa forma, equivale a um clamor do governo.
Além disso, na medida em que o Projeto de Lei opera como uma restrição direta e direcionada ao exercício por certas empresas de sua liberdade econômica e direitos de propriedade privada para o benefício presumido do bem-estar público, parece apropriado que ele seja financiado por fundos de receita geral, distribuídos de acordo com a política tributária atual sobre toda a população contribuinte.
Em que medida você acredita que todos os problemas tratados no projeto de lei 2768/2022 já são adequadamente tratados pela legislação de concorrência, mais especificamente pelo CADE, com os instrumentos da Lei nº 12.529 de 2011?
Consulte a resposta à Pergunta 10.
O fato de o governo estar fazendo essa pergunta nesta fase do processo sugere que talvez o escopo e os detalhes do Projeto de Lei 2768 não tenham sido completamente pensados. O Projeto de Lei 2768 deve ser aprovado apenas se estiver claro que a lei de concorrência brasileira não está à altura da tarefa. Em comparação, e como indicado na resposta à pergunta 10 acima, praticamente toda a conduta na DMA da UE também foi abordada através da lei da concorrência da UE — muitas vezes a favor da Comissão. No entanto, a UE queria codificar um conjunto de regras que garantissem que a Comissão não tivesse que litigar em processos perante os tribunais e vencesse todos os processos — ou pelo menos a grande maioria deles — contra plataformas digitais. Mas essa decisão, com a qual se pode ou não concordar, veio depois de pelo menos alguma experiência na aplicação da lei da concorrência às plataformas digitais e da determinação de que os ganhos de tal abordagem superariam os custos manifestos.
Por outro lado, o CADE do Brasil goza de uma experiência muito mais limitada nesse sentido e o próprio Brasil apresenta realidades econômicas e interesses de consumo muito diferentes que podem não render a mesma análise de custo/benefício. Como mencionado acima, as únicas “penalidades” impostas pelo CADE contra “plataformas digitais” resultaram de acordos voluntários, o que significa que houve uma necessidade limitada de litigar em processos “digitais” no Brasil. Há uma sensação persistente de que o Projeto de Lei 2768 foi proposto não em resposta a deficiências na estrutura da lei da concorrência existente, ou em resposta às necessidades identificadas específicas do Brasil, mas como uma resposta às “tendências globais” iniciadas pela UE.
O Art. 13 do PL 2768, por exemplo, prevê que as incorporações por empresas abrangidas serão examinadas de acordo com as regras gerais da lei da concorrência aplicáveis a outras empresas e em outros setores. Não está claro por que a mesma lógica não poderia ser aplicada em todos os setores — ou seja, a todas as condutas potencialmente contra a concorrência por empresas visadas. Por que algumas condutas que podem ser abordadas por meio da lei antitruste exigem regulamentação especial, mas outras não?
Que problemas poderiam ser gerados para a atividade de inovação das plataformas digitais caso haja a regulação de plataformas digitais propostas pelo Projeto de Lei 2768/2022? Isso poderia ser tratado de alguma forma dentro do PL 2768/2022?
De fato, não está de forma alguma claro que as circunstâncias particulares do Brasil sejam passíveis de uma abordagem “ex ante” semelhante à da UE.
Proibições e obrigações amplas, como as impostas pelo Art. 10 do Projeto de Lei 2768, correm o risco de esfriar a conduta inovadora e congelar a tecnologia existente. Como o décimo país classificado no mercado global de tecnologia da informação e com centenas de startups no setor de IA, o Brasil é um mercado em expansão com um tremendo potencial.[52] Sua população de 214 milhões significa que as tendências de crescimento devem continuar — e, com certeza, o número de empregos em aplicativos cresceu 54% em 2023 em comparação com 2019.[53]
No entanto, regras estáticas e rígidas, como as previstas pelo Projeto de Lei 2768, podem cortar o crescimento das startups brasileiras pela raiz, impondo custos regulatórios insuperáveis (que, de qualquer forma, beneficiariam os operadores estabelecidos em comparação com concorrentes menores) e proibindo condutas capazes de promover o crescimento, beneficiar os consumidores e inflamar a concorrência, como a auto preferência e a recusa em negociar.
De fato, ambas as práticas podem — e muitas vezes são — socialmente benéficas. Conforme discutido na Pergunta 8, apesar de sua recente difamação por alguns formuladores de políticas, a “auto preferência” é uma conduta comercial normal e uma razão fundamental para a integração vertical eficiente, que evita a dupla marginalização e permite que as empresas coordenem melhor a produção, distribuição e venda de forma mais eficiente — tudo em benefício final dos consumidores. Por exemplo, serviços de varejo, como a Amazon, que preferem seus próprios serviços de entrega, como no caso de “Entrega pela Amazon”, oferecem aos consumidores algo que eles valorizam tremendamente: uma garantia de entrega rápida. Como escrevemos em outro lugar:
A concessão de privilégios de marketplace pela Amazon a produtos [Entrega pela Amazon] pode ajudar os usuários a escolher os produtos que a Amazon pode garantir que melhor atenderão às suas necessidades. Isso é perfeitamente plausível, pois os clientes mostraram repetidamente que muitas vezes preferem opções menos abertas e menos neutras.[54]
Em um relatório recente, a Comissão Australiana de Concorrência reconheceu esse fato, afirmando que a auto preferência é muitas vezes benigna e pode levar a benefícios pró concorrência.[55] De fato, existem muitas razões legítimas pelas quais as empresas podem optar pela auto preferência, incluindo melhor experiência do cliente, atendimento ao cliente, escolha mais relevante (curadoria) e preços mais baixos.[56] Assim, proibir a auto preferência, ou de outra forma desencorajar significativamente as empresas de se engajarem na auto preferência, poderia prejudicar o crescimento da empresa — inclusive por empresas brasileiras que estão atualmente em um estágio inicial de desenvolvimento — e impedir a entrada de empresas que poderiam ser inovadoras no mercado.
Da mesma forma, forçar as empresas a lidar com terceiros poderia sufocar a inovação, incentivando o efeito carona (free-riding) e desencorajando as empresas a fazer investimentos. De fato, por que uma empresa inovaria ou investiria se sabe que terá que compartilhar esses investimentos e inovações com concorrentes passivos que não assumiram nenhum desses riscos? A consequência é um impasse em que, em vez de lutar para ser o primeiro a inovar e desfrutar dos frutos gerados por essa inovação, as empresas são incentivadas a jogar com o sistema, esperando que os outros deem o primeiro passo para, em seguida, aproveitar as conquistas. Isso essencialmente inverte o processo de concorrência dinâmica, reorganizando artificialmente o incentivo à inovação e ao investimento versus o incentivo ao free-ride, reduzindo os benefícios do primeiro e aumentando os benefícios do segundo.
Seria catastrófico criar uma barreira na capacidade do Brasil de expandir seu setor de tecnologia e inovar — especialmente considerando o vasto potencial do país. De fato, em vez de um triunfo da regulamentação sobre a inovação, o Brasil deve se esforçar para ser exatamente o oposto.[57]
Quais seriam as dificuldades práticas de aplicação deste tipo de legislação contemplado pelo PL 2768/2022?
Os fundos para financiar o que poderia ser uma quantidade considerável de execução são necessários, mas não suficientes, para garantir a eficácia. Na UE, a DG Concorrência da Comissão, uma das principais e mais bem dotadas autoridades de concorrência do mundo, luta para contratar o pessoal necessário para implementar a Lei dos Mercados Digitais. Em suma, os “especialistas em DMA” atualmente não existem — e a Comissão terá que treinar esses especialistas ou contratá-los quando a experiência se desenvolver por meio da aplicação da lei. Mas isso cria um cenário de galinha e ovo, em que a fiscalização — ou pelo menos uma boa fiscalização — não pode acontecer sem bons especialistas, e bons especialistas não podem se materializar sem fiscalização. Não há razão para acreditar que essas considerações não se enquadram no contexto brasileiro.
O Brasil, no entanto, enfrenta um desafio adicional: atrair talentos. Ao contrário da UE, onde os cargos na Comissão são altamente cobiçados devido aos altos salários, benefícios e segurança no emprego que conferem, os recursos do CADE são mais modestos e provavelmente não podem competir plenamente com o setor privado. Assim, antes de aprovar o Projeto de Lei 2768, o governo deve ser claro sobre como a lei seria aplicada e por quem.
Outras questões incluem o pesado ônus de conformidade do Projeto de Lei, que afetará não apenas os chamados “gigantes da tecnologia”, mas qualquer empresa acima do modesto limite de faturamento de R$ 70 milhões, as dificuldades em interpretar as proibições e obrigações ambíguas previstas no Art. 10 (e o litígio que pode ocorrer, vide Pergunta 16), o custo de elaboração de recursos adequados na acepção do Art. 10 e a possibilidade iminente de que o Projeto de Lei capture a conduta pró concorrência e sufoque a inovação. Como escrevemos com relação aos países da ASEAN e à possibilidade de implementar a regulamentação da concorrência no estilo da UE:
As nações da ASEAN têm políticas extremamente diversas em relação ao papel do governo na economia. Simplificando, algumas das nações da ASEAN parecem inadequadas para a tecnocracia de longo alcance que quase inevitavelmente flui da adoção do modelo europeu de fiscalização da concorrência. Outros podem simplesmente não ter recursos suficientes para agências de pessoal que poderiam, satisfatoriamente, realizar o tipo de investigação de longo alcance pelas quais a Comissão Europeia é famosa.[58]
Você vê muito espaço para judicialização deste tipo de regulação previsto no PL 2768/2022? Em quais dispositivos?
A aplicação do Projeto de Lei 2768 provavelmente levará a litígios substanciais, até porque muitos dos conceitos centrais do Projeto de Lei são ambíguos e abertos à interpretação.
Por exemplo, o que implica uma conduta “discriminatória” na acepção do Art. 10, parágrafo II? Uma plataforma coberta pode tratar os usuários de negócios de forma diferente com base em critérios objetivos, como qualidade, histórico e confiabilidade, ou todos os usuários de negócios devem ser tratados igualmente? Nesse sentido, é incerto se o significado específico atribuído a “conduta discriminatória” no âmbito da lei da concorrência se aplica no contexto. Da mesma forma, o que significa o uso “adequado” dos dados coletados no exercício das atividades de uma empresa (parágrafo III)? O parágrafo IV do Art. 10 implica que uma plataforma coberta nunca pode negar acesso a usuários comerciais? Presumivelmente, as plataformas cobertas vão querer saber como e por que essa obrigação geral se desvia da doutrina de instalações essenciais mais restritas nos termos da lei de concorrência brasileira.
O Art. 11 acrescenta certas ressalvas a isso, como que a intervenção deve ser adaptada, proporcional e considerar o impacto, os custos e os benefícios. Novamente, que tipo de impacto, custos e benefícios são relevantes — para consumidores, usuários comerciais, a plataforma coberta, a sociedade como um todo?
Se isso for verdade, é provável que o Projeto de Lei 2768 seja legalmente controverso.
As definições do art. 6º do projeto de lei 2768/2022 estão adequadas para o propósito desta proposição?
O Art. 6º e, de fato, todo o ímpeto por trás do Projeto de Lei 2768 se baseiam em duas premissas questionáveis:
Que esses produtos e serviços são suficientemente semelhantes para serem considerados (e regulamentados) como um grupo.
O primeiro seria mais convincente se os recursos previstos no PL, como não discriminação, uso adequado de dados e acesso, não tivessem sido utilizados anteriormente em outros mercados e para outros produtos. A concessão de acesso em termos “justos, razoáveis e não discriminatórios” (“FRAND”) é frequentemente usada no contexto da lei de concorrência e da lei de PI, ambas aplicáveis em todos os setores. O dever de usar os dados “adequadamente” é geralmente previsto nas leis de proteção de dados, que também se aplicam amplamente. O mesmo pode ser dito para as obrigações de acesso, que são frequentes nos termos da lei da concorrência e em indústrias regulamentadas (como telecomunicações ou ferrovias).
Além disso, nem os produtos e serviços do Art. 6º do PL, as empresas que os operam, nem os modelos de negócios que empregam são monolíticos. Assistentes de voz e mídias sociais, por exemplo, são produtos muito diferentes. Isso também pode ser dito sobre a computação em nuvem, que não é realmente uma “plataforma” no sentido de que, digamos, a intermediação é online. Os produtos e serviços no Art. 6 também são altamente heterogêneos, com uma única categoria abrangendo uma lista heterogênea de produtos, de comércio eletrônico a mapas on-line e lojas de aplicativos.
O mesmo argumento se aplica às empresas que vendem esses produtos e serviços, que — apesar do onipresente apelido de “Gigantes da Tecnologia” — são, em última análise, empresas muito diferentes.[59] Como disse o CEO da Apple, Tim Cook: “A tecnologia não é monolítica. Isso seria como dizer que “Todos os restaurantes são iguais” ou “Todas as redes de TV são iguais”. ”[60]
Por exemplo, enquanto o Google (Alphabet) e o Facebook (Meta) são empresas de tecnologia da informação especializadas em publicidade online, a Apple continua sendo principalmente uma empresa de eletrônicos, com cerca de 75% de sua receita proveniente da venda de iMacs, iPhones, iPads e acessórios. Como Amanda Lotz, da Universidade de Michigan, observou:
Os lucros dessas vendas de [hardware] permitem que a Apple use estratégias muito diferentes das empresas não relacionadas a hardware [“Gigantes da Tecnologia”] com as quais é frequentemente comparada.[61]
Isso também significa que a maioria de seus outros negócios — como iMessage, iTunes, Apple Pay, etc. — são complementos que “a Apple usa estrategicamente para apoiar seu foco principal como empresa de hardware”. A Amazon, por outro lado, é principalmente uma varejista, com suas divisões Amazon Web Services e de publicidade respondendo por apenas 15% e 7% da receita da empresa, respectivamente.[62]
Mesmo quando dois “gatekeepers” estão ativos no mesmo mercado de produtos/serviços, eles geralmente têm modelos e práticas de negócios notavelmente diferentes. Assim, apesar de ambos venderem sistemas operacionais para celulares, o Android (Google) e a Apple empregam filosofias de design de produtos muito diferentes. Como argumentamos em um instrumento amicus curiae apresentado no mês passado à Suprema Corte dos EUA no processo Apple v. Epic Games:
Para a Apple e seus usuários, a referência de uma boa plataforma não é a “abertura”, mas a seleção e a segurança cuidadosamente aplicadas, entendidas em termos gerais como se abrangessem a remoção de conteúdo questionável, a proteção da privacidade e a proteção contra a “engenharia social”, e assim por diante…. Por outro lado, a aposta do Android é no modelo de plataforma aberta, que sacrifica algum grau de segurança pela maior variedade e personalização associadas a uma distribuição mais aberta. Essas são diferenças legítimas no design do produto e na filosofia de negócios.[63]
Essas várias empresas e mercados têm diversos incentivos, estratégias e designs de produtos, desmentindo, portanto, a ideia de que existe qualquer noção econômica e tecnicamente coerente do que compreende “gatekeeping”. Em outras palavras, tanto os produtos e serviços que estariam sujeitos ao Art. 6º do PL 2768 quanto essas próprias empresas são altamente heterogêneos e não está claro por que eles são colocados sob o mesmo aspecto.
Em lugar de uma regulação ex-ante pura, faria sentido algum outro tipo de acompanhamento e/ou regulação dos mercados digitais?
Uma unidade especial dentro do CADE, operando dentro dos limites das leis antitruste atuais, deve ser seriamente avaliada antes de se apressar para adotar uma regulamentação ex ante de longo alcance nos mercados digitais. A maior parte da conduta abrangida pela regulamentação ex ante na UE, por exemplo, é derivada de processos envolvendo o direito da concorrência. Isto sugere que tal conduta se enquadra nos limites do direito tradicional da concorrência e pode ser devidamente abordada através do direito da concorrência da UE.
Consequentemente, uma unidade digital dentro do CADE alavancaria o expertise de funcionários com experiência na aplicação da lei antitruste aos “mercados digitais”. As chances são de que, se tal unidade não puder ser formada dentro do CADE, que possui funcionários com a experiência que mais se assemelha ao que seria necessário para fazer cumprir o Projeto de Lei 2768, provavelmente não poderá ser formada em nenhum outro lugar — pelo menos não sem desviar talentos do CADE. Isso seria um erro, pois o CADE tem um papel essencial na supressão de comportamentos que prejudicam inequivocamente o interesse público, como os cartéis (indiscutivelmente, é aí que o Brasil deveria concentrar seus recursos).[64] A criação de uma nova unidade para processar novas condutas com efeitos incertos sobre o bem-estar social em detrimento da supressão de condutas manifestamente prejudiciais não passa por uma análise de custo-benefício e, em última análise, prejudicaria a economia do Brasil.
Você acha que o conjunto de soluções descritas no art. 10 do PL 2768/2022 são adequadas?
É difícil responder a essa pergunta sem uma noção clara do que o Projeto de Lei 2768 visa alcançar. Adequado para quê?
O conjunto de sanções previstas no art. 16 do PL 2768/2022 está adequado?
Também difícil de responder. Se o objetivo é frustrar todas as condutas proibidas, independentemente das consequências para a inovação, o investimento e a satisfação do consumidor, então é necessária uma multa alta — e muitas empresas deixarão de fazer negócios como resultado (o que efetivamente interromperá todo comportamento indesejável – mas também todo comportamento desejável). Se aumentar a receita é o objetivo, então a quantidade de fiscalização vezes o nível de sanção precisa ser baixa o suficiente para operar não como um obstáculo ao comportamento, mas como uma taxa para fazer negócios. Não sabemos se o nível de sanções no Art. 16 é apropriado para isso — nem, acrescentamos, se essa é a intenção de tal lei!
Por outro lado, se a dissuasão ideal é o objetivo, a imposição de sanções consideravelmente mais baixas do que as da UE (como seria uma sanção de 2% do faturamento brasileiro das empresas infratoras) parece razoável. Multas por infrações antitruste na UE podem ser de até 10% do faturamento mundial da empresa; e multas por violações do DMA podem chegar a 20%.[65] Mas o Brasil não deve procurar dissuadir o investimento e a inovação na medida em que a UE o fez.
É claro que é difícil identificar um nexo de causalidade entre multas de concorrência e investimento/inovação. Mas o que sabemos é o seguinte: O ritmo de crescimento econômico na Europa ficou atrás dos EUA por uma margem significativa:
Quinze anos atrás, o tamanho da economia europeia era 10% maior que o dos EUA, no entanto, em 2022, era 23% menor. O PIB da União Europeia (incluindo o Reino Unido antes do Brexit) cresceu neste período em 21% (medido em dólares), em comparação com 72% dos EUA e 290% da China.[66]
Enquanto isso, nenhuma das 10 maiores empresas de tecnologia do mundo, e apenas duas das 25 maiores, estão sediadas na Europa.[67] E as grandes multinacionais americanas e asiáticas estão espalhadas por toda a indústria de tecnologia, desde componentes eletrônicos (chips, telefones celulares e computadores) até empresas de desenvolvimento de aplicativos, sites e comércio eletrônico. Pode haver muitas razões para essas discrepâncias, mas uma delas é quase certamente as diferenças nos ambientes regulatórios econômicos, incluindo a extensão da dissuasão da lei da concorrência.[68]
O art. 10 prevê várias obrigações em uma lista não taxativa na qual o regulador poderia impor outras medidas. Caberia prever um rol taxativo de medidas?
Listas exaustivas têm a vantagem de promover a previsibilidade e a discrição do fiscalizador, limitando assim a busca de renda e garantindo que a execução permaneça vinculada ao interesse público. Supondo, é claro, que o tipo de medidas previstas atue no interesse público em primeiro lugar.
O problema de como o Projeto de Lei 2768 é enquadrado em seu estado atual é que ele é muito aberto. É compreensível que o Projeto de Lei 2768 não queira amarrar as mãos dos fiscalizadores e tenha optado por intervenções sob medida, em vez de proibições e obrigações gerais. Isso é bom. No entanto, não deve vir à custa da segurança jurídica e não deve deixar de impor limites ao poder discricionário do fiscalizador. Atualmente, isso não parece ser o caso.
O Art. 10 prevê, assim, que os operadores de plataforma estarão sujeitos “entre outras, às seguintes obrigações…” Não está claro, a partir desta lista numerus apertus, o que o fiscalizador pode e não pode fazer. Mas o problema é mais profundo do que apenas o Artigo 10; em nenhum lugar do Projeto de Lei é explicado quais são os objetivos das novas regras. A proposta de reformulação do Artigo 19-A da Lei 9.472, de 16 de julho de 1997, nos parágrafos III, IV e V, é vaga – não impõe princípios limitantes suficientemente claros que estejam ao alcance do Projeto de Lei. De fato, sugere que os objetivos do Projeto de Lei 2768 seriam prevenir conflitos de interesse, prevenir violações de direitos do usuário e prevenir infrações econômicas por plataformas digitais em áreas de competência do CADE. O Artigo 4º do PL 2768 inclui outros objetivos: liberdade de iniciativa, livre concorrência, defesa do consumidor, redução da desigualdade regional e social, repressão ao poder econômico e reforço à participação social. Em outros pontos, está implícito que o objetivo é diminuir o “poder de gatekeeper” (em “Justificativas”).
Em outras palavras, não está claro o que o Projeto de Lei 2768 não permite que o fiscalizador faça.
Além disso, as proibições e obrigações dos Parágrafos I-IV do Art. 10 são igualmente obscuras. Por exemplo, qual é o uso “adequado” dos dados coletados? (III). O parágrafo IV implica que uma plataforma direcionada nunca pode recusar o acesso ao seu serviço? Na verdade, uma coisa que está faltando no Projeto de Lei 2768 é a capacidade de escapar de uma proibição ou obrigação, demonstrando eficiências ou por meio de uma justificativa objetiva (como, por exemplo, segurança e proteção ou privacidade).
Claramente, o Projeto de Lei 2768 não pode prever todos os casos em que o Art. 10 será usado. Contudo, a fim de encontrar um equilíbrio entre a agilidade do fiscalizador e a administração e previsibilidade da lei, ele precisa dar uma explicação mais focada dos objetivos do Projeto de Lei e como as disposições do Art. 10 ajudam a alcançá-los. Em outras palavras: Os Artigos 3, 4 e 10 precisam ser muito mais claros. Caso contrário, o Projeto de Lei corre o risco de mais prejudicar do que ajudar empresas-alvo, usuários comerciais, concorrentes e, em última análise, os consumidores. A seção “Justificativas” do Projeto de Lei afirma que não deseja impor uma “camisa de força” às empresas visadas por meio da imposição de regras ex ante rígidas. Isso é razoável, especialmente considerando a falta de provas de danos inequívocos. Mas conceder a um fiscalizador como a Anatel, que não tem experiência em “mercados digitais”, poderes amplamente definidos para intervir com base em objetivos igualmente amplos equivale a impor uma camisa de força com outro nome. Em um “cenário” regulatório em que as empresas nunca têm certeza do que é e do que não é permitido, algumas podem razoavelmente optar por não assumir riscos, inovar e trazer novos produtos ao mercado – porque não desejam correr o risco de estarem sujeitas a multas (Art. 16) e possíveis soluções estruturais, como rupturas (Art. 10, parágrafo único). Em outras palavras, eles podem assumir que muito mais é proibido do que é realmente proibido.
[2] REGULAMENTO (EU) 2022/1925 DO PARLAMENTO EUROPEU E DO CONSELHO de14 de setembro de 2022 relativo à disputabilidade e equidade dos mercados no setor digital e que altera as Diretivas (UE) 2019/1937 e (UE) 2020/1828 (Regulamento dos Mercados Digitais).
[3] Processo C-7/97 Bronner, EU:C:1998:569.
[4] Vide, por exemplo, a decisão majoritária da Comissária Ana Frazão no Processo nº 08012.003918/2005-14 (Requerida: Telemar Norte Leste S.A.), parágrafos 60-62, https://tinyurl.com/4dc38vvk.
[5] Vide decisão majoritária relatada do Comissário Mauricio Maia no Processo Administrativo nº 08012.010483/2011-94 (Requeridas: Google Inc. e Google Brasil Internet Ltda.), parágrafos 180-94; 224-42, https://tinyurl.com/3c9emytw.
[6] Um relatório de 2021 do IBRAC identificou a alta taxa de entrada no mercado de plataformas de vendas on-line. Vide IBRAC, Revista do Revista do IBRAC Número 2-2021, disponível em https://ibrac.org.br/UPLOADS/PDF/RevistadoIBRAC/Revista_do_IBRAC_2_2021.pdf.
[7] Bronner, Par. 67.
[8] Vide Colangelo, G. (2022). The Digital Markets Act and EU Antitrust Enforcement: Double & Triple Jeopardy, ICLE White Paper, disponível em: https://laweconcenter.org/resources/the-digital-markets-act-and-eu-antitrust-enforcement-double-triple-jeopardy.
[9] CADE, Mercados de Plataformas Digitais, SEPN 515 Conjunto D, Lote 4, Ed. Carlos Taurisano CEP: 70.770-504 – Brasília/DF, disponível em https://cdn.cade.gov.br/Portal/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/estudos-economicos/cadernos-do-cade/Caderno_Plataformas-Digitais_Atualizado_29.08.pdf.
[10] Sobre a noção de que as regras do estilo DMA são “leis de concorrência específicas do setor”, vide Nicolas Petit, The Proposed Digital Markets Act (DMA): A Legal and Policy Review, 12 J. Eur. Compet. Law & Pract. 529 (11 Maio 2021).
[11] Vide Verizon Communications, Inc. v. Law Offices of Curtis V. Trinko, LLP, 540 U.S. 398 (2003). “Obrigar essas empresas a compartilhar a fonte de sua vantagem tensiona, de alguma forma, o propósito subjacente da lei de defesa da concorrência, uma vez que pode diminuir o incentivo para o monopolista, o rival ou ambos investirem nessas instalações economicamente benéficas.”
[12] Hou, L. (2012). The Essential Facilities Doctrine – What Was Wrong in Microsoft? International Review of Intellectual Property and Competition Law, 43(4), 251-71, 260.
[13] Vide Williamson, O.E., The Vertical Integration of Production: Market Failure Considerations, 61 Am. Econ. Rev. 112/1971); Klein, B., Asset Specificity and Holdups, em The Elgar Companion to Transaction Cost Economics, PG Klein & M. Sykuta, eds. (Edward Elgar Publishing, 2010), 120–126.
[14] Decisão da Comissão nº AT.39740 — Google Search (Shopping).
[15] A. Hoffman, Where Does Website Traffic Come From: Search Engine and Referral Traffic, Traffic Generation Café (25 Dezembro 2018), https://trafficgenerationcafe.com/website-traffic-source-search-engine-referral.
[16] Vide Manne, G., Against the vertical discrimination presumption (Maio 2020), Concurrences N° 2-2020, Art. N° 94267, https://www.concurrences.com/en/review/numeros/no-2-2020/editorial/foreword.
[17] Sobre a necessidade de cautela ao conceder um direito de acesso, vide, por exemplo, Trinko: “Temos sido muito cautelosos ao reconhecer essas exceções [ao direito de [um] comerciante ou fabricante envolvido em um negócio inteiramente privado, de livremente exercer seu próprio critério independente quanto às partes com as quais ele negociará], devido à característica incerta de compartilhamento forçado e à dificuldade de identificar e remediar condutas contra a concorrência por uma única empresa.”
[18] United States v. Aluminum Co. of America, 148 F.2d 416, 430 (2d Cir. 1945).
[19] “Assim, como uma questão geral, a Lei Sherman ‘não restringe o direito reconhecido há muito tempo de [um] comerciante ou fabricante envolvido em um negócio inteiramente privado, de livremente exercer seu próprio critério independente quanto às partes com as quais ele negociará.’” United States v. Colgate & Co., 250 U. S. 300, 307 (1919).
[20] Foremost Pro Color, Inc. v. Eastman Kodak Co., 703 F.2d 534, 545 (9th Cir. 1983) (citações omitidas).
[21] Vide Manne, G. & B. Sperry, Debunking the Myth of a Data Barrier to Entry for Online Services. Truth on the Market (26/03/2015), disponível em: https://truthonthemarket.com/2015/03/26/debunking-the-myth-of-a-data-barrier-to-entry-for-online-services; Manne, G. & B. Sperry (2014). The Law and Economics of Data and Privacy in Antitrust Analysis, 2014 TPRC Conference Paper, disponível em: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2418779.
[22] Vide geralmente, Grunes, A. & M. Stucke (2016). Big Data and Competition Policy. Oxford University Press, Oxford; Newman, N. (2014). Antitrust and the Economics of the Control of User Data. Yale Journal on Regulation, 30:3.
[23] Vide os exemplos discutidos em Manne, G. & B. Sperry, Debunking the Myth of a Data Barrier to Entry for Online Services. Truth on the Market (26 Março 2015), disponível em: https://truthonthemarket.com/2015/03/26/debunking-the-myth-of-a-data-barrier-to-entry-for-online-services.
[24] Lerner, A. (2014). The Role of ‘Big Data’ in Online Platform Competition, disponível em: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2482780.
[25] Bowman, S. & G. Manne, Platform Self-Preferencing can be Good for Consumers and even Competitors, Truth on the Market (4 Março 2021), disponível em: https://truthonthemarket.com/2021/03/04/platform-self-preferencing-can-be-good-for-consumers-and-even-competitors.
[26] C. Goujard, Google forced to postpone Bard chatbot’s EU launch over privacy concerns, Politico (13 Junho 2023), disponível em: https://www.politico.eu/article/google-postpone-bard-chatbot-eu-launch-privacy-concern.
[27] M. Kelly, Here ‘s why Threads is delayed in Europe, The Verge (10 Julho 2023), disponível em: https://www.theverge.com/23789754/threads-meta-twitter-eu-dma-digital-markets.
[28] Musk considers removing X platform from Europe over EU law, Euractiv (19 Outubro 2023), disponível em: https://www.euractiv.com/section/platforms/news/musk-considers-removing-x-platform-from-europe-over-eu-law.
[29] Jud, M. Still no Copilot in Europe: Microsoft Rolls out 23H2 Update, Digitec.ch (10 Novembro 2023), disponível em: https://www.digitec.ch/en/page/still-no-windows-copilot-in-europe-microsoft-rolls-out-23h2-update-30279.
[30] The Future is Bright for Latin American Startups, The Economist (13 Novembro 2023), disponível em: https://www.economist.com/the-world-ahead/2023/11/13/the-future-is-bright-for-latin-american-startups.
[31] Vide Distrito (2023), Panorama Tech América Latina, disponível em: https://static.poder360.com.br/2023/09/latam-report-1.pdf.
[32] O seguinte é adaptado do processo Manne, G., Against the vertical discrimination presumption (Maio 2020), Concurrences N° 2-2020, Art. N° 94267, https://www.concurrences.com/en/review/numeros/no-2-2020/editorial/foreword e nossos comentários sobre a proposta de Projeto de Lei de Mercados Digitais, Concorrência e Consumidores do Reino Unido (“DMCC”): Auer, D., M. Lesh & L. Radic (2023). Digital Overload: How the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Bill ‘s sweeping new powers threaten Britain’ s economy, IEA Perspectives 4, 16-21, disponível em: https://iea.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Perspectives_4_Digital-overload_web.pdf.
[33] H. Singer, How Big Tech Threatens Economic Liberty, The Am. Conserv. (7 Maio 2019), https://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/how-big-tech-threatens-economic-liberty.
[34] A maioria dessas teorias, deve-se notar, ignora a literatura de estratégia relevante e abundante sobre a complexidade da dinâmica da plataforma. Vide, por exemplo, J. M. Barnett, The Host ‘s Dilemma: Strategic Forfeiture in Platform Markets for Informational Goods, 124 Harv. L. Rev. 1861 (2011); D. J. Teece, Profiting from technological innovation: Implications for integration, collaboration, licensing and public policy, 15 Res. Pol’y 285 (1986); A. Hagiu & K. Boudreau, Platform Rules: Multi-Sided Platforms as Regulators, in Platforms, Markets and Innovation, A. Gawer, ed. (Edward Elgar Publishing, 2009); K. Boudreau, Open Platform Strategies and Innovation: Granting Access vs. Devolving Control, 56 Mgmt. Sci. 1849 (2010).
[35] Para exemplos desta literatura e uma breve discussão de suas descobertas, vide Manne, G., Against the vertical discrimination presumption, maio de 2020, Concurrences N° 2-2020, Art. N° 94267, https://www.concurrences.com/en/review/numeros/no-2-2020/editorial/foreword.
[36] International Center for Law & Economics (2022). International Center for Law & Economics Amicus Curiae Brief submetido ao Tribunal Federal de Recursos da Nona Circunscrição 20-21. https://tinyurl.com/ywu553vb.
[37] Vide, em geral, Hagiu & Boudreau, Platform Rules: Multi-Sided Platforms as Regulators, supra note 31; Barnett, The Host’s Dilemma, supra note 31.
[38] Barnett, J., id.
[39] Vide Radic, L. and G. Manne (2022) Amazon Italy’s Efficiency Offense. Truth on the Market (11 Janeiro 2022), https://tinyurl.com/2uht4fvw.
[40] Apresentado como Projeto de Lei 294 (2022-23), atualmente Projeto de Lei HL 12 (2023-24), Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Bill, disponível em https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3453.
[41] Farrell, J., & P. Klemperer (2007). Coordination and Lock-In: Competition with Switching Costs and Network Effects, Handbook of Industrial Organization 3, 1967-2072, disponível em https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1573448X06030317.
[42] Projeto de Lei 2768, “Justificativas”. Vide também Wu, T. (2018). The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age, Columbia Global Reports.
[43] Colangelo, G. (2022). The Digital Markets Act and EU Antitrust Enforcement: Double & Triple Jeopardy, ICLE White Paper 2022-03-23, disponível em https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Giuseppe-Double-triple-jeopardy-final-draft-20220225.pdf.
[44] Vide também Caffarra, C. e F. Scott Morton, The European Commission Digital Markets Act: A Translation, Vox EU (5 Janeiro 2021), disponível em: https://voxeu.org/article/european-commission-digital-markets-act-translation.
[45] How National Competition Agencies Can Strengthen the DMA, European Competition Network (22 Junho 2021), disponível em: https://ec.europa.eu/competition/ecn/DMA_joint_EU_NCAs_paper_21.06.2021.pdf.
[46] Para ver estudo completo, consulte https://cdn.cade.gov.br/Portal/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/estudos-economicos/documentos-de-trabalho/2018/documento-de-trabalho-n01-2018-efeitos-concorrenciais-da-economia-do-compartilhamento-no-brasil-a-entrada-da-uber-afetou-o-mercado-de-aplicativos-de-taxi-entre-2014-e-2016.pdf.
[47] Para uma visão detalhada das decisões do CADE sobre plataformas digitais e serviços de pagamentos, acesse: https://cdn.cade.gov.br/Portal/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/estudos-economicos/cadernos-do-cade/mercado-de-instrumentos-de-pagamento-2019.pdf; https://cdn.cade.gov.br/Portal/centrais-de-conteudo/publicacoes/estudos-economicos/cadernos-do-cade/Caderno_Plataformas-Digitais_Atualizado_29.08.pdf.
[48] Vide, por exemplo, Epic Games, Inc. v. Apple Inc. 20-cv-05640-YGR.
[49] Staats, J. L., & G. Biglaiser (2012). Foreign Direct Investment in Latin America: The Importance of Judicial Strength and Rule of Law. International Studies Quarterly, 56(1), 193–202. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00690.x.
[50] HL Bill 12 (2023-24), Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Bill, disponível em https://bills.parliament.uk/bills/3453.
[51] Auer, D., M. Lesh, & L. Radic (2023). Digital Overload: How the Digital Markets, Competition and Consumers Bill’s sweeping new powers threaten Britain’s economy, IEA Perspectives 4, 16-21, disponível em: https://iea.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Perspectives_4_Digital-overload_web.pdf.
[52] Vide Dailey, M. Why the US. Rejected European Style Digital Markets Regulation: Considerations for Brazil’s Tech Landscape, Progressive Policy Institute (2 Outubro 2023), pp 5-6, disponível em: https://www.progressivepolicy.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/PPI-Brazil-EU-Tech.pdf.
[53] Ibid.
[54] Vide Radic, L. and G. Manne (2022) Amazon Italy’s Efficiency Offense. Truth on the Market (11 Janeiro 2022), disponível em https://tinyurl.com/2uht4fvw.
[55] ACCC, Digital Platform Services Inquiry, Discussion Paper for Interim Report No. 5: Updating competition and consumer law for digital platform services (Fevereiro 2022), disponível em https://www.accc.gov.au/system/files/Digital%20platform%20services%20inquiry.pdf.
[56] Bowman, S. & G. Manne, Platform Self-Preferencing Can Be Good for Consumers and Even Competitors, Truth on the Market (4 Março 2021), disponível em: https://laweconcenter.wpengine.com/2021/03/04/platform-self-preferencing-can-be-good-for-consumers-and-even-competitors.
[57] Vide Portuese, A. The Digital Markets Act: A Triumph of Regulation Over Innovation, ITIF Schumpeter Project (2 Agosto 2022), disponível em: https://itif.org/publications/2022/08/24/digital-markets-act-a-triumph-of-regulation-over-innovation.
[58] Auer, D., G. Manne & S. Bowman (2022). Should ASEAN Antitrust Laws Emulate European Competition Policy?. Singapore Economic Review 67(5) 1637–1697, 1687.
[59]Vide Lotz, A. ‘Big Tech’ isn’t a monolith. It’s 5 companies, all in different businesses, Houston Chronicle (26 Março 2018), disponível em: https://www.houstonchronicle.com/techburger/article/Big-Tech-isn-t-a-monolith-It-s-5-companies-12781761.php; vide também Chaiehloudj, W. & Petit, N. On Big Tech and The Digital Economy, Competition Forum (11 Janeiro 2021), disponível em: https://competition-forum.com/on-big-tech-and-the-digital-economy-interview-with-professor-nicolas-petit.
[60] Asher Hamilton, I. Tim Cook says he’s tired of big tech being painted as a ‘monolithic’ force that needs tearing apart, Business Insider (7 Maio 2019), disponível em: https://www.businessinsider.com/apple-ceo-tim-cook-tired-of-big-tech-being-viewed-as-monolithic-2019-5.
[61] Lotz, A. ‘Big Tech’ isn’t a monolith. It’s 5 companies, all in different businesses, Houston Chronicle (26 Março 2018), disponível em: https://www.houstonchronicle.com/techburger/article/Big-Tech-isn-t-a-monolith-It-s-5-companies-12781761.php.
[62] G. Cuofano, Amazon Revenue Breakdown, Four Week MBA (10 Agosto 2023), disponível em: https://fourweekmba.com/amazon-revenue-breakdown.
[63] International Center for Law and Economics (2022). International Center for Law & Economics Amicus Curiae Brief submitted to the U.S. Supreme Court, https://laweconcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/ICLE-Amicus-Apple-v-Epic-SCt-10.27.23-FINAL.pdf.
[64] See Zúñiga, M. Latin America Should Follow Its Own Path on Digital-Markets Competition, Truth on the Market (7 Novembro 2023) disponível em: https://truthonthemarket.com/2023/11/07/latin-america-should-follow-its-own-path-on-digital-markets-competition.
[65] No entanto, como apontado na Pergunta 10, há um risco de bis in idem, considerando que algumas das condutas capturadas pelo Projeto de Lei 2768 também podem estar cobertas pela lei de concorrência brasileira. Nesses casos, os 2% seriam agravados pelas penalidades previstas na Lei 12.529/11, a lei de concorrência brasileira, e o nível poderia facilmente ser muito alto.
[66] Weekly Foreign Policy Report No. 1329: A Europe vassal to the US?, Política Exterior (26 Junho 2023) https://www.politicaexterior.com/articulo/una-europa-vasalla-de-eeuu.
[67] Vide, por exemplo, 100 Biggest Technology Companies in the World, Yahoo Finance (23 Agosto 2023), disponível em: https://finance.yahoo.com/news/100-biggest-technology-companies-world-175211230.html.
[68] Vide, por exemplo, Weekly Foreign Policy Report No. 1329: A Europe vassal to the US?, Política Exterior (26 Junho 2023) https://www.politicaexterior.com/articulo/una-europa-vasalla-de-eeuu.
Presentations & Interviews ICLE Senior Scholar Lazar Radic took part in a digital panel on ex ante regulation of digital markets hosted by the Legal Grounds Institute. Video . . .
ICLE Senior Scholar Lazar Radic took part in a digital panel on ex ante regulation of digital markets hosted by the Legal Grounds Institute. Video of the full event is embedded below.
TOTM Way back in May, I cracked wise about the Federal Trade Commission’s (FTC) fictional “Bureau of Let’s Sue Meta,” noting that the commission’s proposal (really, . . .
Way back in May, I cracked wise about the Federal Trade Commission’s (FTC) fictional “Bureau of Let’s Sue Meta,” noting that the commission’s proposal (really, an “order to show cause”) to modify its 2020 settlement of a consumer-protection matter with what had then been Facebook—in other words, a settlement modifying a 2012 settlement—was the FTC’s third enforcement action with Meta in the first half of 2023. That seemed like a lot, even if we ignored, say, Meta’s European and UK matters (see, e.g., here on the EU Digital Markets Act’s “gatekeeper” designations; here on the Norwegian data-protection authority; here and here on the Court of Justice of the European Union, and here on the UK Competition Appeal Tribunal).
Read the full piece here.
Presentations & Interviews ICLE Director of Competition Policy Dirk Auer joined as a panelist in a webinar organized by ECIPE on platform regulation and merger policy in the . . .
ICLE Director of Competition Policy Dirk Auer joined as a panelist in a webinar organized by ECIPE on platform regulation and merger policy in the EU, and the implications for member states’ attractiveness for digital investment. Video of the full panel is embedded below.
TOTM The European Commission late last month published the full list of its “gatekeeper” designations under the Digital Markets Act (DMA). Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, ByteDance, Meta, and Microsoft—the six . . .
The European Commission late last month published the full list of its “gatekeeper” designations under the Digital Markets Act (DMA). Alphabet, Amazon, Apple, ByteDance, Meta, and Microsoft—the six designated gatekeepers—now have six months to comply with the DMA’s list of obligations and restrictions with respect to their core platform services (CPS), or they stand to face hefty fines and onerous remedies (see here and here for our initial reactions).
TOTM In order to promote competition in digital markets,[1] Latin American countries should not copy and paste “solutions” from other jurisdictions, but rather design their own set . . .
In order to promote competition in digital markets,[1] Latin American countries should not copy and paste “solutions” from other jurisdictions, but rather design their own set of policies. In short, Latin American countries—like my own, Peru—should not “put the cart before the horse” and regulate markets that are not yet mature.
TOTM How did you come to be interested in the regulation of digital markets? Prior to joining Levy & Salomão Advogados, I worked with the Brazilian . . .
Prior to joining Levy & Salomão Advogados, I worked with the Brazilian government for nine years, four of which I served as head of the government agency in charge of antitrust enforcement and consumer protection policy. During this time, I was very lucky to participate in the early beginnings of the policy discussions on the need for enforcement in digital markets. Also, for a long time, this has been a very popular dinner conversation topic at home: my husband is in the software business and my stepdaughter is a computer engineer.
Scholarship Abstract The integrated approach that many competition and privacy regulators have endorsed for oversight of the major online platforms, whose business models rely on collecting . . .
The integrated approach that many competition and privacy regulators have endorsed for oversight of the major online platforms, whose business models rely on collecting and processing large troves of personal data, has often been justified on grounds that competition and data protection are complementary ends. In this respect, Europe represents a testing ground for evaluating how privacy breaches may inform antitrust investigations. Indeed, the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and the recent German antitrust decision concerning Facebook may be considered polestars for this emerging regulatory approach that links market power and data power. This paper tests the degree to which such an approach is viable in concrete terms by analyzing how the European Commission and national competition authorities have applied data-protection rules and principles in antitrust proceedings. Notably, the paper aims to demonstrate the fallacy of characterizing the relationship between privacy and antitrust in terms of synergy and complementarity. Further, the paper maintains that the principles the European Court of Justice recently affirmed in its Meta decision do not appear to address the issue conclusively. The tension between these areas of law is illustrated by allegations raised in the numerous Apple ATT investigations concerning the strategic use of privacy as a business justification to pursue anticompetitive advantages. Rather than strengthening antitrust enforcement against gatekeepers and their data strategies, the inclusion of privacy harms in antitrust proceedings may turn out to be a potential curse for competition authorities, as it allows firms opportunities for regulatory gaming that can serve to undermine antitrust enforcement.
A significant share of the past decade’s academic literature on the role of data in digital markets has focused on the intersection of what had been previously thought of as the separate domains of privacy and antitrust. Given that data serves as a significant input for many of the major online platforms’ services and products, digital firms are eager to collect and process as much of it as possible. Such firms also use data-sharing agreements to obtain further data (i.e., information collected and provided by external suppliers) in order to improve their products and services. This is particularly true for those platforms whose business models rely on monetizing consumer information by selling targeted advertising and personalized sponsored content. In a market where platforms’ data-acquisition strategies are driven by the objective of granting sellers preferential access to consumer attention, personal data can represent an especially valuable portion of platforms’ information assets.[1] Moreover, given the social dimension of personal data, one user’s choice to share personal information with an online platform may generate externalities on other non-disclosing users (or non-users) by revealing information about them. Recent advances in machine learning may magnify the extent of these externalities, and raise questions about the effectiveness of data-protection regulations more generally.[2]
These dynamics have moved policymakers to take a greater interest in the degree to which data-accumulation strategies undermine individual privacy and entrench platforms’ market power. Some contend that the peculiar features of digital markets and the potential adverse uses of data in the digital economy require a regulatory approach that integrates privacy into antitrust enforcement and ensures close cooperation between antitrust authorities and data-protection regulators.[3]
According to this account, as network effects strengthen online firms’ market power, it becomes progressively more difficult to structure incentives for firms to compete on offering privacy-friendly products and services.[4] Conversely, these advocates claim, more competition in digital markets would lead to more privacy.[5]
Particular scrutiny is directed toward advertising-funded platforms that offer free services to attract users and thereby feed users’ data to the other side of the platform (i.e., advertisers), whose willingness to pay is strictly dependent on being able to deliver effective marketing through granular targeting or personalization. For their part, however, end users may not be aware of the value of their own data or may be induced to disclose private information. This could happen because users are attracted by zero-price services’ offers or, given the lack of available and comparable alternatives, in order to remain connected to their social, family, or work networks, users may feel compelled to accept take-it-or-leave-it terms that include the unwanted collection and use of their data.[6]
Some suggest that privacy should be included in antitrust assessments because suboptimal privacy offerings may be the result of anti-competitive behavior leading to decreased quality of products and services.[7] In this sense, privacy would represent a particularly significant factor to be taken into account in the merger-review process, as market concentration among companies that hold big data could further expand the merging firms’ tools to profile consumers and potentially invade their privacy.[8]
Finally, some advocates propose commingling antitrust and privacy regulation as part of a broader agenda to realign competition policy away from pure efficiency-oriented antitrust enforcement and instead toward a holistic approach that combines competition law with other fields of law, in order to take account of a broader swath of social interests.[9] In essence, privacy and antitrust would each help to cover the other’s purported Achilles heel.[10] While end users’ privacy interests would become relevant in investigating data-accumulation strategies that antitrust might otherwise fail to tackle, antitrust authorities would be more effective in ensuring data protection.[11]
Against the integrationist perspective, however, some scholars warn of risks that would attend transforming privacy infringements into per se antitrust violations.[12] Indeed, competition law and privacy regulation pursue different aims and deploy different tools. While privacy is not irrelevant to competition law and may constitute an important component of nonprice competition, the goals of competition and privacy are often at odds. Pushing these regulatory regimes to converge threatens to confuse, rather than strengthen, the enforcement of either.[13]
Further, the widely recognized “privacy paradox” illustrates that assessments of privacy are extremely subjective. Different consumers in differing contexts often express starkly different sensitivities about the protection of their personal data, rendering it challenging to provide accurate quality-driven assessments or even to set broadly acceptable baseline rules and policies.[14] More generally, an expansive approach that would treat privacy violations as sources of competitive harm potentially implies the need for antitrust investigations whenever dominant firms potentially violate any law, as they would acquire an advantage by saving costs or raising rivals’ costs.[15] Antitrust authorities would therefore become economy-wide regulators.
While some recent cases brought by U.S. antitrust authorities have also placed privacy concerns in a prominent position,[16] there are two reasons that Europe appears to represent the primary testing ground for an integrated approach for privacy and antitrust. First, European policymakers long have prided themselves as leaders in regulating digital markets, notably for a broad array of heterogeneous legislative initiatives that have in common their strenuous efforts to foster data sharing and their sponsors’ belief that the emergence of large technology platforms requires a bespoke approach.[17] In this sense, the initiative that blazed the path for the emerging integrationist perspective was the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), which assigned control rights over data to individuals and, in light of the emerging regulatory convergence of privacy and antitrust, introduced a general data-portability right for individuals, the rationale of which was inherently pro-competitive.[18]
Second, on the antitrust side of the ledger, the decision handed down by the German competition authority in the Facebook case was the first (and remains the primary) example of the trend toward enforcers asserting that competition law should be informed by data-protection principles and that data protection should enforced outside its usual legal context, with the goal of remedying the shortcomings of privacy law.[19]
Despite the purported synergies underpinning the respective policy goals of competition and data-protection law, however, their interests and objectives are not necessarily aligned.[20] In particular, there are signs that some major digital firms may interpret data-protection requirements in ways that risk distorting competition.[21] Namely, once privacy harms are included among the interests ostensibly protected in antitrust proceedings, platforms may have incentive to adjust their strategies to invoke data protection as a business justification for allegedly anticompetitive conduct.[22]
For example, some platforms justify their decisions to deny rivals access to their facilities on grounds that doing so would risk violating their users’ privacy.[23] App-store providers in particular have described some restrictions that may be interpreted as anticompetitive self-preferencing (e.g., requiring in-app purchases to be routed through their own in-app payment processor, limiting sideloading, and limiting app developers’ ability to communicate with end users about the availability of alternative payment options) as necessary to guarantee users’ security and privacy.[24]
The most debated example illustrating the growing tension between data protection and antitrust is Apple’s adoption of its “app tracking transparency” (ATT) policy, which creates new consent and notification requirements that change the way app developers can collect and use consumer data for mobile advertising on iOS. There very well could be privacy benefits associated with the new Apple framework, as it may enhance users’ privacy and control over their personal data. But ATT also would now differentiate between a user’s consent for Apple’s advertising services and consent for third-party advertising services. The ATT policy might therefore represent a form of discrimination that benefits Apple’s own advertising services and reinforces its position in app distribution to the detriment of rivals. For these reasons, the ATT policy is under investigation by several antitrust authorities.[25]
Given this backdrop, this paper seeks to investigate the intersection of privacy and competition law and to analyze how data-protection rules and principles have been applied in antitrust proceedings by the European Commission and by EU national competition authorities (NCAs). The analysis of the case law will illustrate how data protection has been progressively transformed from a weapon used by antitrust authorities to limit data accumulation to a shield exploited by digital platforms to justify potentially anticompetitive strategies and to game antitrust rules.
As a result, the paper aims to demonstrate the fallacy of the narrative that describes the relationship between privacy and antitrust in terms of synergy and complementarity. Such a paradigm, indeed, does not provide useful insights to solve the growing conflicts between the interests protected and the goals pursued by these different fields of law.
As has already happened with regard to the traditional intersection of intellectual-property protection and competition law, invoking a convergence of aims does not in itself sketch out a pragmatic solution. Notably, competition authorities’ cooperation with data-protection regulators may help to ensure a coherent and uniform interpretation and application of the GDPR, it will not help antitrust authorities to strike the balance between privacy benefits and anticompetitive restrictions. In such a scenario, competition law enforcers risk being forced, like Buridan’s Ass, to make a choice that cannot be made.[26]
The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. Section II examines the European cases in which privacy concerns have been addressed in antitrust proceedings to tackle data-accumulation strategies by large online platforms. Section III deals with the strategic use of privacy as a business justification for potential anticompetitive conduct, which emerges as a byproduct of promoting the integration of privacy and antitrust. Taking stock of the German Facebook case recently addressed by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU),[27] Section IV illustrates how the intrinsic conflict between data-protection and competition law cannot be solved merely by invoking a purported synergy or complementarity. Section V concludes.
While data-protection and competition law serve different goals, it is commonly argued that the emergence of business models involving the collection and commercial use of personal data creates inevitable linkages between market power and data protection.[28] Notably, given that the key goal of the GDPR was to enable individuals to have control of their own personal data,[29] applying competition rules to digital markets could, it is asserted, promote precisely that control.[30] As a consequence, “previously separate policy areas become interlinked, and different regulatory authorities are increasingly required to consider a given set of issues from the perspective of contrasting policy aims and objectives.”[31]
From this perspective, combining data-protection and competition law is justified on grounds that a common aim they share is to avoid exploitation of personal data and restrictions on consumers’ privacy.[32] Since end users may experience less privacy and autonomy as a result of excessive data collection and use:
Reductions in privacy could also be a matter of abuse control, if an incumbent collects data by clearly breaching data protection law and if there is a strong interplay between the data collection and the undertaking’s market position.[33]
Indeed, from the standpoint of competition law, the idea has been advanced that the acquisition and exploitation of user information is itself the result of, or evidence of, market failure.[34] In particular, users of dominant advertiser-based platforms are said to suffer both from significant information asymmetries as a result of opaque data policies, and from platform lock-in, with no choice other than to consent to the harvesting and use of their data because of the lack of viable alternatives.[35]
On the data-protection side of the ledger, it is bears noting that, according to the GDPR, consent means any “freely given, specific, informed and unambiguous” indication of a data subject’s wishes—whether by statement or some other clear affirmative action—that signifies agreement to the processing of his or her personal data.[36] Further, the GDPR specifies the conditions for consent, which include that: the request for consent be presented in a manner clearly distinguishable from other matters; that it be in an intelligible and easily accessible form; that it use clear and plain language; that the data subject has the right to withdraw consent at any time; and that, when assessing whether consent is freely given, utmost account shall be taken of whether, inter alia, the performance of a contract—including the provision of a service—is conditional on consent to processing personal data not actually needed for the performance of that contract.[37]
As the French and German competition authorities have argued in a joint paper:
[L]ooking at excessive trading conditions, especially terms and conditions which are imposed on consumers in order to use a service or product, data privacy regulations might be a useful benchmark to assess an exploitative conduct, especially in a context where most consumers do not read the conditions and terms of services and privacy policies of the various providers of the services that they use.[38]
From this perspective, privacy concerns support the use of antitrust intervention to limit data-accumulation strategies by treating the restriction on privacy as a form of exploitative abuse.
Another way that privacy interests can be leveraged by antitrust authorities to address competitive concerns about data accumulation is through the merger-review process. Indeed, “firms that gain a powerful position through a merger may be able to gain further market power through the collection of more consumer data and privacy degradation.”[39] The use of merger review is expected to be more effective to achieve privacy-policy goals given that, while an antitrust abuse investigation may at best neutralize or alleviate exploitation of data gathered by a dominant player, merger proceedings would prevent data accumulation in the first place.
The Bundeskartellamt’s decision in Facebook undoubtedly represents the apex, to date, of enforcers’ application of the integrationist perspective.[40] According to the German competition authority, Facebook unlawfully exploited its dominant position in the German market for social networks by making the use of its social-networking service conditional on users granting extensive permission to collect and process their personal data. Notably, Facebook failed to make its users fully aware of the fact that it collected their personal data from sources other than the Facebook platform and then merged those data with personal information gathered through its own platform.[41] Further, Facebook put its users in the difficult position of either accepting this data policy or refraining from use of the social network in its entirety.
Indeed, even well-informed users would have not been able to voluntarily consent to such data collection and combination, as they would fear the alternative of no longer being able to access the social network.[42] Therefore, according to the German competition authority, when the data controller is in a dominant position, its users’ consent is insufficient under the GDPR, because the platform’s market power always puts users in the position of having to either take or leave any offers made.
Considering these findings, the Bundeskartellamt established a link between market power and privacy concerns. In its view, Facebook’s terms and conditions were neither justified under data-protection principles nor appropriate under competition-law standards. To comply with the GDPR, users should have been asked whether they voluntarily consent to the practice of combining data in their Facebook user accounts, which could not consist merely of ticking a box. Indeed, given Facebook’s superior market power, the user’s choice to either accept comprehensive data combination or to refrain from using the social network could not be regarded as voluntary consent.[43] The Bundeskartellamt therefore concluded that Facebook had infringed GDPR rules by depriving its users of the human right to control the processing of their personal data and of the constitutional right of informational self-determination.
This form of coercion is, however, also relevant to competition law, as it was the result of Facebook’s dominant position. Hence, Facebook’s conduct could be considered exploitative within the meaning of the general clause of Section 19(1) of the German Competition Act (GWB), according to which competition law applies in every case where one bargaining party is so powerful that it can dictate the terms of the contract, with the end result being the abolition of the contractual autonomy of the other bargaining party. From the Bundeskartellamt’s standpoint, if a dominant firm collects and analyzes users’ data pursuant to terms and conditions that do not comply with EU data-protection rules, it also violates antitrust law by acquiring an unfair competitive advantage over firms that do adhere to the GDPR.
In summary, while the primary concern in the Facebook case was an antitrust issue (i.e., the excessive quantity of data that Facebook accumulated in its unique dataset),[44] the Bundeskartellamt elaborated a theory of harm based primarily on protecting the constitutional right to informational self-determination. In other words, the competition authority invoked the right under which data-protection law affords individuals the power to decide freely and without coercion how their personal data is processed. Such reasoning is consistent with the case law of Section 19(1) GWB, which allows an antitrust authority to consider the protection of constitutional values and interests in assessing the practices of dominant firms. While the Bundeskartellamt contended that its proceedings against Facebook would also generally be possible under the EU’s antitrust provision on exploitative abuses (Article 102(a) TFEU),[45] Section 19 GWB offered a broader (and, hence, more legally convenient) general clause.[46]
This privacy-focused approach also manifested in the remedy that Meta presented, and which the Bundeskartellamt welcomed. To implement the German antitrust authority’s decision, Meta proposed several changes to the accounts center that would allow customers to decide whether they wanted to use all services separately, each with their own circumscribed functions, or to use additional functions across accounts, which would require sharing more personal data.[47] In the Bundeskartellamt’s view, this solution would allow Meta’s customers to make a largely free and informed decision.
The Bundeskartellamt’s approach in the Facebook case therefore appears quite distinctive and essentially German-specific, as well as particularly controversial with respect to the scope and boundaries of competition and data-protection enforcement.[48] Indeed, in ascertaining a privacy violation previously undetected by any data-protection authority, the Bundeskartellamt acted as a self-appointed enforcer of data-protection rules.
It also interpreted data-protection rules in ways that far exceed the limits of its legal competence, given that there is nothing in the GDPR that makes the quality of a user’s consent agreement contingent on the data controller’s market power. Indeed, the GDPR makes no distinction at all on the basis of a firm’s market power. Size does not matter when it comes to data-protection law; a dominant firm is just as bound by privacy rules as its smaller rivals. At the same time, from the perspective of competition law, following the Bundeskartellamt’s expansive stance, virtually every legal infringement by a dominant firm could amount to an antitrust violation.
Because of the thorny implications for the interface between antitrust and data-protection law, the Facebook decision unsurprisingly sparked a heated debate not only in the literature, but also between German courts.
The Higher Regional Court (Oberlandesgericht, or OLG) of Du?sseldorf suspended the landmark decision, expressing serious doubts about its legal basis and complaining that the Bundeskartellamt was “merely discussing a data protection issue, and not a competition problem.”[49] Pursuant to both European and German antitrust provisions, a charge of abuse of market power by a dominant undertaking requires a finding of anticompetitive conduct and, hence, damage to competition—namely, to the freedom of competition, that is “safeguarding competition and the openness of market access.”[50] Therefore, dominant undertakings carry a special responsibility only in the domain of competition, rather than for compliance with the entire legal system by avoiding any violation of the law.[51] Further, in the appellate court’s view, no influence was exerted on users, as Facebook’s terms of service simply require them to weigh the benefits of using an ad-financed (and, therefore, free) social network against the consequences of Facebook’s use of the additional data that it gathers.
However, the Federal Supreme Court (Bundesgerichtshof, or BGH) overturned the OLG’s judgment and held that Facebook must comply with the Bundeskartellamt’s decision.[52] The BGH’s reasoning did, however, differ from the Bundeskartellamt’s. According to the Federal Supreme Court, it is inconclusive whether Facebook’s processing and use of personal data complied with the GDPR. The court’s decision turned instead on Facebook’s terms of service, which the BGH found are abusive if they deprive Facebook users of any choice in whether they wish to use the network in a more personalized manner (thus, linking their experience to Facebook’s potentially unlimited access to characteristics that include their off-Facebook use of the internet more generally) or whether they wanted a level of personalization that was based solely on data that they themselves share on Facebook.[53]
Notably, the BGH found that Facebook’s data processing constitutes an “imposed extension of services,” as users receive an indispensable service only in combination with another undesired service.[54] Accordingly, such a practice was evaluated as both an exploitative and an exclusionary abuse. The lack of options available to users affects their personal autonomy and the exercise of their right to informational self-determination, as protected by the GDPR. Given lock-in effects that serve as barriers for network users who would otherwise like to switch providers, the BGH found that this lack of options exploits users in a manner relevant under competition law since, under effective competition, one would expect more diverse market offerings for social networks.[55] Further, the terms of service could also impede competition for online advertising, allowing Facebook to protect its dominant position against rivals, as they would be able to improve their offerings due to privileged access to a considerably larger database.[56]
As a result of this clash among the German courts, the Higher Regional Court of Du?sseldorf decided to refer the case to the CJEU, adding a new twist to the Facebook saga.[57] In particular, the OLG of Du?sseldorf raised seven questions about the interpretation of the GDPR, fundamentally asking the CJEU to untie the knot and clarify the competence of a competition authority to determine and penalize a GDPR breach; the prohibition on processing sensitive personal data and the conditions applicable to consenting to their use; the lawfulness of processing personal data in light of certain justification; and the validity of a user’s consent to processing personal data given to an undertaking in a dominant position.[58]
It is also worth noting the different approaches taken by other authorities concerning the very same Facebook conduct. Notably, the Italian competition authority evaluated such practices as violations of the Consumer Code (instead of the competition law),[59] while in Belgium, the Court of First Instance of Brussels found a violation of privacy rules.[60]
The Facebook case has already influenced the broader debate about the limits of competition law to address certain features of digital markets effectively. The EU’s Digital Markets Act (DMA)—which was explicitly grounded in the assumption that competition law alone is unfit to tackle certain challenges and systemic problems posed by the platform economy—specifically prohibits combining personal data across a gatekeeper’s services, a provision clearly inspired by the German investigation.[61]
Notably, pursuant to Article 5(2) DMA, a gatekeeper shall not: (a) process—for the purpose of providing online-advertising services—end users’ personal data using third-party services that themselves make use of the gatekeeper’s core platform services; (b) combine personal data from the relevant core platform service with personal data from any further core platform services, or from any other services provided by the gatekeeper, or with personal data from third-party services; (c) cross-use personal data from the relevant core platform service in other services provided separately by the gatekeeper, including other core platform services, and vice versa; and (d) sign end users into the gatekeeper’s other services in order to combine personal data, “unless the end user has been presented with the specific choice and has given consent” within the meaning of the GDPR.
Further, according to Recital 36—given that gatekeepers process personal data from a significantly larger number of third parties than other undertakings—data processing for the purpose of providing online-advertising services gives gatekeeper platforms potential “advantages in terms of accumulation of data,” thereby “raising barriers to entry.” To ensure that gatekeepers do not unfairly undermine the “contestability” of core platform services, gatekeepers should enable end users to “freely choose to opt-in” to such data processing and sign-in practices. This may be accomplished by offering a less-personalized but equivalent alternative, and without making the use of (or certain functions of) the core platform service conditional on the end user’s consent.[62]
Moreover, in light of Recital 37, when a gatekeeper does request consent, it should proactively present a “user-friendly solution” to the end user to provide, modify, or withdraw consent in an explicit, clear, and straightforward manner. In particular, consent should be given by a clear affirmative action or statement establishing a freely given, specific, informed and unambiguous indication of agreement by the end user, as defined in the GDPR.
Lastly, it should be as easy to withdraw consent as to give it. Gatekeepers should not design, organize, or operate their online interfaces in a way that deceives, manipulates, or otherwise materially distorts or impairs end users’ ability to freely give or withdraw consent.[63] In particular, gatekeepers should not be allowed to prompt end users more than once a year to give consent for a data-processing purpose for which the user either did not initially give consent or actively withdrew consent.
The idea that only opt-in mechanisms can produce effective consent within the meaning of the GDPR is confirmed by the obligation under Article 6(10) DMA, which imposes on gatekeepers the duty to provide business users, or third parties authorized by a business user, access to aggregated and non-aggregated data (including personal data) generated in the context of using the relevant core platform services.[64]
The provision under Article 5(2) DMA provides interesting insights into the relationship between data-protection and competition law. By emphasizing that the primary concern is online gatekeepers’ data-accumulation strategies, the DMA’s approach differs from the one the Bundeskartellamt pursued in Facebook. Rather than focusing on potential harms to users’ self-determination and digital identity, the DMA points to a pure antitrust harm related to market contestability. Therefore, even if “[t]he data protection and privacy interests of end users are relevant to any assessment of potential negative effects of the observed practice of gatekeepers to collect and accumulate large amounts of data from end users,”[65] the primary interest protected is a competitive one—namely to avoid foreclosure against rivals.
From this perspective, it may be argued that the DMA adopts an integrated approach that takes data-protection principles into account within a competitive assessment of gatekeepers’ conduct. The very last part of the provision, however, demonstrates the opposite. By subordinating the prohibitions to respect the GDPR, European authorities arguably acknowledge the potential tensions between data-protection interests and competition-policy goals. Moreover, in the event of such a conflict, the DMA affirms the primacy of the former. Indeed, all the forms of conduct listed in Article 5(2) are forbidden “unless” the end user has been presented with a specific choice and given consent within the meaning of the GDPR.
There is another interesting and ongoing German investigation regarding Google’s data-processing terms. Notably, in January 2023, the Bundeskartellamt issued a statement of objections against Google claiming that, under the company’s current terms, users are not given “sufficient choice” as to how their data are processed across services.[66]
The antitrust authority noted that Google’s business model relies heavily on processing user data and that its current terms allow the company to combine various data from various services and use them, for example, to create very detailed user profiles that the company can exploit for advertising and other purposes, or to train functions provided by Google services. Google may, for various purposes, collect and process data across services, which include both its own widely used services (Google Search, YouTube, Google Play, Google Maps, and Google Assistant), as well as numerous third-party websites and apps. Bundeskartellamt President Andreas Mundt stated that this grants Google a “strategic advantage” over other companies.[67]
According to the Bundeskartellamt’s preliminary assessment, the choices offered to users are too general and insufficiently transparent. The authority contends that sufficient choice would require that users be able to limit data processing to the specific service used. In addition, they also must be able to differentiate between the purposes for which the data are processed. Moreover, the choices must not be devised in a way that would make consenting to data processing across services easier than not consenting to it.
The framing of the Google investigation is similar to that of the Facebook case. The antitrust authority is fundamentally concerned with a data-accumulation strategy that it contends confers to Google a critical competitive advantage. And given that having access to more user data than rivals have cannot in itself be considered anticompetitive, privacy concerns are exploited to limit such a strategy.
There is, however, a significant difference worth highlighting. In the Google case, the Bundeskartellamt’s position benefits from a new provision of Section 19a GWB,[68] which empowers national competition authorities to tackle platform-specific practices that are similar and functionally equivalent to those prohibited under the DMA.[69] Notably, since January 2021, the Bundeskartellamt has had the power to designate undertakings of “paramount significance for competition across markets.” The factors relevant to this designation include a platform’s dominant position in one or more markets; financial strength or access to other resources; vertical integration and activities in otherwise related markets; access to data relevant for competition; and the importance of the activities for third parties’ access to supply and sales markets and related influence on third parties’ business activities. Google has been the first platform to be designated as of paramount significance for competition across markets.[70]
Once the designation is completed, the Bundeskartellamt can prohibit such undertakings from engaging in anticompetitive practices. In particular, the new provision introduces a list of seven types of abusive practices that are prohibited, unless the undertaking is able to demonstrate that the conduct at issue is objectively justified. While the targeted practices are similar to those captured by the DMA, the main differences are that the German list is considered exhaustive and the practices at issue are not prohibited per se. Instead, it introduces a reversal of the burden of proof, allowing firms to provide objective justifications for their conduct, which is not allowed under the DMA.
For the sake of this analysis, pursuant to paragraph 4 of Section 19a GWB, the Bundeskartellamt may prohibit an undertaking of paramount significance for competition across markets from creating or appreciably raising barriers to market entry (or otherwise impeding other undertakings) by processing data relevant for competition that have been collected by the undertaking, or demanding terms and conditions that permit such processing—in particular, making the use of its services conditional on a user agreeing to data processing by the undertaking’s other services or by a third-party provider without “sufficient choice” as to whether, how, and for what purpose such data are processed.
As mentioned, while the Google investigation resembles the background of the Facebook decision, the introduction of Section 19a(4) GWB has relevant implications. The new provision is clearly inspired by the strategy investigated in Facebook and, as already enshrined in the DMA, essentially aims to ease enforcement, avoiding the hurdles and burdens of standard antitrust analysis. Practically speaking, the Bundeskartellamt therefore does not need to struggle to find a proper theory of harm and can easily avoid the odyssey it experienced in Facebook. Moreover, the new provision’s wording changes the legal landscape, distinguishing the Google investigation from both the parallel DMA provision and the Facebook decision. Indeed, by relying on the lack of “sufficient choice” for users, Section 19a(4) GWB does not include any reference to the GDPR, thus allowing the Bundeskartellamt to provide an autonomous interpretation. With regard to the comparison with Facebook, on the other hand, Section 19a(4) GWB—just like the DMA—aims to promote contestability in the market (“creating or appreciably raising barriers to market entry”). Hence, data accumulation is prohibited to the extent that it excludes rivals, rather than whether it exploits users’ privacy.
That the German provision is effective has been confirmed by Google’s decision to end the proceeding by submitting commitments.[71] Under those commitments, Google will give its users the option to grant free, specific, informed, and unambiguous consent to have their data processed across services.[72] Google will also offer corresponding choice options for particular combinations of data and services, and will design selection dialogues to avoid dark patterns, thus not guiding users manipulatively towards cross-service data processing.
It is worth noting that Google’s commitments involve more than 25 services, with only those services that the European Commission has since designated as core platform services under the DMA (i.e., Google Shopping, Google Play, Google Maps, Google Search, YouTube, Google Android, Google Chrome and Google’s online-advertising services) excluded from the list. While this was intended to avoid practical conflicts with application of the DMA, it also represents an acknowledgment that the DMA and German antitrust law pursue the very same goals. Indeed, as stated in the decision, Google’s commitments “are intended to correspond in substance to an extension of Google’s obligations under Article 5(2) DMA” to further services and, therefore, “in case of doubt, the terms used in the Commitments are to be interpreted in accordance with their meaning in the DMA.”[73]
Given this broad consensus regarding synergies between data-protection and competition law in digital markets, it is somewhat surprising how reluctant the European Commission has been to implement this integrated approach in the context of merger analysis.[74] Indeed, while acknowledging privacy’s role as a parameter of competition between online platforms, the Commission has to date not blocked any merger on the grounds of protecting individuals’ control over personal data, and it has nearly always approved unconditionally those mergers that raised privacy concerns.
Notably, in the days before the GDPR, the Commission authorized the Google/DoubleClick merger, in the process affirming that antitrust and data-protection rules had wholly separate scopes.[75] While it could have determined that the combined data-collection activities of two players active in the online-advertising industry raised concentration concerns and a possible unfair advantage in producing targeted advertising, the Commission’s assessment, under pure antitrust criteria, was that it was unlikely that the new entity would obtain a competitive advantage unmatchable by its rivals.[76] Further, the Commission underlined that its decision exclusively concerned an appraisal of the operation under competition rules, without prejudice to other obligations imposed on the parties by data-protection and privacy laws.[77]
This stance of maintaining separate regulatory spheres of inquiry was even more clearcut in the 2014 Facebook/WhatsApp merger.[78] Assessing the potential edge the combined entity might derive from controlling huge amounts of data, the Commission found that, regardless whether the merged entity would start using WhatsApp user data to improve targeted advertising on Facebook, there continued to be large troves of valuable internet user data that were not within Facebook’s exclusive control.[79] More importantly, the Commission stated that:
Any privacy-related concerns flowing from the increased concentration of data within the control of Facebook as a result of the Transaction do not fall within the scope of the EU competition law rules but within the scope of the EU data protection rules.[80]
The outcome and reasoning were the same in Microsoft/LinkedIn.[81] Consistent with the findings in Facebook/WhatsApp, the results of the Commission’s market investigation revealed that privacy is an important parameter of competition and a driver of customer choice.[82] But not only did the transaction not raise serious antitrust concerns in online advertising, given that combining the firms’ respective datasets did not appear to result in raising rivals’ barriers to entry or expansion,[83] but also:
[S]uch data combination could only be implemented by the merged entity to the extent it is allowed by applicable data protection rules. … Microsoft and LinkedIn are subject to relevant national data protection rules with respect to the collection, processing, storage and usage of personal data, which, subject to certain exceptions, limit their ability to process the dataset they maintain.[84]
Moreover, the Commission noted that the GDPR “may further limit Microsoft’s ability to have access to, and process, its users’ personal data in the future since the new rules will strengthen the existing rights and empower individuals with more control over their personal data.”[85]
In a nutshell, the Commission again chose to defer to privacy rules for protecting individuals’ personal data and analyzed the transaction’s antitrust issues while “[a]ssuming such data combination [was] allowed under the applicable data protection legislation.”[86] The Commission did not discuss whether the relevant markets under consideration were sufficiently competitive to provide users with the optimal level of privacy-friendly options. It didn’t establish any link between the merging firms’ market power and the variety of privacy-friendly tools and services they provided. Nor did it find any connection between such market power and the optimal quantity of personal data that the firms under scrutiny should have collected.
In Apple/Shazam, despite some concern that the acquisition would grant Apple access to commercially sensitive information about competitors of its Apple Music service, the Commission regarded it as unclear whether the merged entity would be able to put competing providers of digital-music streaming apps at a competitive disadvantage. And they again stressed that personal-data processing remained subject to the GDPR.[87]
The recent Google/Fitbit merger offered the Commission another opportunity to interrogate overlaps among data protection and antitrust. Ultimately, the Commission’s analysis focused on the data collected via Fitbit’s wearable devices and the interoperability of wearable devices with Google’s Android operating system for smartphones.[88] While some market participants complained that, in combining those databases, Google could obtain a competitive advantage in the digital health-care sector that would leave competitors unable to compete, others (including the European Data Protection Board) raised privacy concerns on grounds that the merger would make it increasingly difficult for users to track the purposes for which their health data would be used.[89]
To address such issues, Google offered (and the Commission accepted) commitments to maintain a technical separation of Fitbit user data by storing them in a data silo separate from any Google data used for advertising; that it will not use the health and wellness data collected from users’ wrist-worn wearable devices and other Fitbit devices for Google Ads; and it will ensure that users have an effective choice to grant or deny the use of health and wellness data stored in their Google Account or Fitbit Account by other Google services.
With regard to privacy concerns, the Commission reminded those involved that the parties are held accountable to implement appropriate technical and organizational measures to ensure that data processing is performed in accordance with the GDPR.[90] More specifically, the Commission noted that the GDPR is designed to enhance transparency over data processing, accountability by data controllers and, ultimately, users’ control over their data.[91] The Commission found no evidence that privacy was an important parameter of competition in wearables and underlined that any privacy or data-protection decision or initiative the parties might adopt would have to comply with the data-protection rules set out by the GDPR.[92]
The Commission addressed similar privacy issues arising from the combination of datasets in Microsoft/Nuance[93] and Meta/Kustomer,[94] each time noting that GDPR served as the appropriate safeguard.
Moreover, the Commission appears to retain this “separatist” stance, as confirmed recently by its unconditional approval of a joint venture among Deutsche Telekom, Orange, Telefo?nica, and Vodafone, which will offer a platform to support brands and publishers’ digital-marketing and advertising activities in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and the United Kingdom.[95] Subject to a user’s consent (i.e., on an opt-in basis only), the joint venture will generate a unique digital code derived from the user’s mobile or fixed-network subscription that will allow brands and publishers to recognize users on their websites or applications on a pseudonymous basis, group them under various categories, and tailor their content to specific user groups.
Whatever privacy and security benefits or harms might arise from the operation, the Commission was ultimately guided in its decision by the lack of competition concerns. Moreover, the Commission declared that it has been in contact with data-protection authorities during its investigation and that data-protection rules are fully applicable, irrespective of the merger’s clearance.
Amid these limited and somewhat confused attempts to address privacy concerns in digital markets by integrating data-protection rules and competition-law enforcement, a novel and challenging phenomenon has emerged. Taking stock of some authorities’ willingness to grant primacy to data protection in the context of antitrust interventions, some platforms have implemented changes to their ecosystems with the declared aim of ensuring increased privacy to end users. For instance, Apple and Google have developed policies to restrict third parties from sharing user data through apps in the platforms’ respective operating systems and websites in their respective browsers.[96] These policies include Apple’s ATT, Intelligent Tracking Prevention, and iCloud Private Relay, and Google’s Android Privacy Sandbox and Chrome Privacy Sandbox. To a certain extent, the DMA may have even encouraged some of these design choices by apparently endorsing the view that only opt-in systems can ensure effective consent within the meaning of the GDPR.
The suspicion is that such facially noble intentions may actually conceal a goal of achieving anticompetitive advantages at the expense of rivals and business users. Therefore, it appears that a new form of regulatory gaming is on the horizon. Particularly in online-advertising markets, privacy may be weaponized as a business justification for potentially anticompetitive conduct and data-protection requirements may be leveraged to distort competition. The relevance and dangerousness of such hypotheses are confirmed by certain antitrust investigations launched recent years, which the following paragraphs will analyze.
As illustrated above, data represents a primary input for platforms whose business models rely on monetizing consumer information by selling targeted advertising and personalized sponsored content. In digital markets, advertisers benefit from access to detailed (and hence, highly valuable) user data, such as browsing behavior, profiles on company websites, demographic information, shopping habits, and past purchase history, especially given the potential to use that data across advertising platforms.[97] Therefore, the effectiveness of targeted advertising and the overall profitability of advertising-based business models rely on data tracking.
To enhance users’ privacy protection, however, regulatory interventions like the GDPR aim to reduce data collection and mitigate platforms’ tracking by requiring explicit consent for users’ individual-behavior data to be used for targeted advertising.[98] In addition, some platforms have adopted (or announced) privacy-centric policies that would limit third parties’ ability to track data, thus affecting the profitability and revenues of their advertising strategies.[99]
Apple’s ATT policy is a paramount example of such product changes. With the iOS 14.5 privacy update, Apple introduced an opt-in mechanism that imposes more restrictive rules on competing app developers than those the company applies to itself. The differential treatment mostly concerns features that prompt users to grant apps permission to track them. Without consumers opting into this prompt, developers cannot access their identifiers for advertisers (IDFA), which are used to monitor users’ activity across apps.
The wording of the prompts ATT offers for user consent may unduly influence users to withhold consent from third-party apps. For apps developed by Apple itself, the consent prompt focuses on the positive aspects of personalized services, rather than the tracking of users’ browsing activity. In contrast, the prompt for third-party app developers places greater emphasis on other companies’ app and website tracking activities (without explaining the term “track”) and does not provide information about the benefits that users could derive from personalized advertising. Moreover, even if the user gives consent to be tracked, third-party app developers remain unable to share the same data that would allow for the personalization of ads, and measure their effectiveness, on another app. Indeed, for third-party app developers, the ATT framework introduces a double opt-in, requiring the user to consent to being tracked for each access to different apps, even if these apps are linked.
This model illustrates an apparent tension between data-protection interests and antitrust goals. While the ATT policy has been framed as a privacy-protecting measure, it is not just the level of privacy chosen by Apple in its digital ecosystem that is at issue, but also the competitive implications that arise from the choice to adopt discriminatory privacy policies. Indeed, the differentiated treatment imposed on third-party app developers appears likely to reduce their advertising revenues, and hence their level of competitiveness vis-à-vis Apple, and could eventually enhance the dominance of the iOS ecosystem.
Notably, the ATT framework may hinder competitors’ ability to sell advertising space, in ways that redound to Apple’s own advantage—in particular, benefiting the company’s own direct sales and advertising-intermediation platforms. Further, limiting third parties’ ability to profile users may reduce business-model differentiation. The advertising-based monetization model used by free and freemium apps may be rendered less sustainable, causing these apps to exit the market or gradually shift to the fee-supported model. This would come at the expense of end consumers, for whom the possibility of choosing free or lower-priced apps could be reduced.[100]
For these reasons, the ATT framework is currently under scrutiny by antitrust authorities in France,[101] Germany,[102] Italy,[103] and Poland,[104] who suspect that Apple is masking an anticompetitive strategy under the guise of privacy protection. Similar doubts have been raised by the UK Competition and Markets Authority in its market study on mobile ecosystems.[105]
Given these kinds of market responses, it is difficult to see how an integrated approach to data-protection and competition law could be implemented in practice. Contrasting the Italian and French investigations may provide useful insights into this conundrum. The Italian competition authority correctly stated that the case does not implicate the level of privacy chosen by Apple, but rather its decision to adopt a differentiated policy at the expense of its rivals.[106] Conversely, in evaluating whether to issue an interim measure against Apple, France’s Autorité de la Concurrence solicited input from the domestic data-protection regulator (the Commission Nationale de L’Informatique et des Liberte?s, or CNIL), which de facto prevented the competition authority from ordering interim measures. Indeed, in the CNIL’s view, the changes proposed by Apple could be of genuine benefit to both users and app publishers.[107] In particular, the ATT prompt would give users more control over their personal data by allowing them to make choices in a simple and informed manner,[108] and would allow app publishers to collect informed consent as required by the applicable regulation.
It is worth noting, however, that while all the other competition authorities are investigating Apple’s policy as a potential form of discriminatory self-preferencing, the French authority has initially evaluated whether the introduction of the ATT prompt would result in imposing unfair trading conditions or a supplementary obligation, in breach of Article 102(a) and (d) TFEU. The complaint’s investigation on the merits of the case will allow the French authority to assess whether ATT does or does not result in a form of discrimination.
Concerns regarding the potential impact of privacy policies on digital-advertising competition and publishers’ ability to generate revenue have also been against Google’s proposals to remove third-party cookies and other functionalities from its Chrome browser. In particular, Google’s Privacy Sandbox project would disable third-party cookies on the Chrome browser and Chromium browser engine, with the stated goal of better protecting consumer privacy. The project would replace those cookies with a new set of tools for targeting advertising and other functionalities. Therefore, similar to Apple’s ATT policy, Google’s planned privacy changes raise concerns about anticompetitive discrimination against rivals.
Indeed, in 2021, the European Commission initiated antitrust proceedings to investigate the effects of Google’s privacy policies on online display advertising and online display advertising-intermediation markets. The inquiry focused on whether Google had violated EU competition rules by favoring—through a broad range of practices—its own online display advertising-technology services in the ad tech supply chain, to the detriment of competing providers of advertising-technology services, advertisers, and online publishers.[109] Notably, the Commission also examined restrictions on third parties’ ability to access data about user identity or user behavior, which remained available to Google’s own advertising-intermediation services, as well as Google’s announced plans to cease making advertising identifiers available to third parties on Android mobile devices whenever a user opts out of personalized advertising.
The Commission declared that it would “take into account the need to protect user privacy, in accordance with EU laws in this respect,” underscoring that “[c]ompetition law and data protection laws must work hand in hand to ensure that display advertising markets operate on a level playing field in which all market participants protect user privacy in the same manner.”[110]
A similar investigation was launched that same year by the UK Competition and Markets Authority (CMA).[111] The CMA subsequently accepted commitments from Google designed to ensure consistent use of data by both third parties and Google’s own digital-advertising businesses through the use of safeguards to support privacy without self-preferencing.[112] In considering how best to address legitimate privacy concerns without distorting competition, the CMA highlighted the relevance of the close partnership with the UK Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO), the public body tasked with the enforcement of the Data Protection Act 2018, which is the UK’s implementation of the GDPR.[113]
The call for integrating privacy into antitrust enforcement reflects the policy goal of curbing ever-increasing personal-data collection and processing by a few large online platforms, who monetize such data by selling targeted advertising. Toward this aim, competition and data-protection laws are described as synergistic, as the economic features of digital markets generate connections between market power and data power. Against this background, rather than relying on the GDPR, scholars and policymakers ask competition law to step in to address the perceived problem of data-protection authorities lacking capacity to address privacy concerns effectively, as well as the extreme difficulty of forbidding data accumulation under antitrust provisions. Therefore, rather than reflecting a natural connection, data-protection and competition laws are fundamentally obtorto collo complementary, as each are considered weak in isolation.
Four primary theories of harm have been advanced to bring antitrust and privacy issues together.[114]
According to the first theory, there is a close relationship between (the lack of) competition in digital markets and privacy violations. In a competitive market, this theory asserts, firms would compete to offer privacy-friendly products and services, but the economic features of digital markets strengthen gatekeepers’ power, regardless of their willingness to deliver privacy-enhancing solutions.[115]
The second theory centers on risks arising from potential “databases of intentions” and primarily invokes the role of merger control.[116] Under this view, mergers among companies that hold significant data assets require more stringent scrutiny, as such mergers would grant the new entity tools to better profile individuals and invade their privacy.
A further attempt to justify commingling antitrust and privacy relies on assessing the quality of products and services as privacy-friendly.[117] As consumer welfare is not solely dependent on prices and output, products and services viewed as not privacy-friendly or that intrude into users’ privacy may be considered low-quality and therefore harm consumer welfare.
Finally, it has been argued that privacy policies could be applied by antitrust enforcers when they are implemented by dominant players that rely on data as a primary input of their products and services—e.g., by forcing individuals to accept take-it-or-leave-it terms involving the unwanted collection and use of their data.[118]
This overview of EU antitrust proceedings, however, demonstrates that none of these four theories of harm has been successful and that the much-invoked integrated approach is more proclaimed than adopted in practice. Indeed, neither other NCAs nor the European Commission have ever shared the Bundeskartellamt’s stance of considering a GDPR violation as a benchmark for finding a dominant firm’s practice to be abusive. Further, in the context of merger analysis, the Commission has systematically stated that any privacy-related concerns resulting from data collection and processing are within the scope of the GDPR enforcement.
Even in Germany, the Bundeskartellamt’s approach has been sufficiently controversial to spark a clash among courts and a request for clarification from the CJEU. The recent update of the GWB seems to confirm the limits of such an approach, as the new Section 19a provides an antitrust authority with a convenient shortcut to target Facebook-like data-accumulation strategies on grounds of market contestability—namely, prohibiting rivals’ foreclosure rather than users’ privacy exploitation.
In addition, these EU antitrust proceedings demonstrate that twisting competition-law enforcement may be counterproductive. Indeed, the growing phenomenon of digital platforms adopting privacy policies as justification for potentially anticompetitive conduct does not fit the narrative of the complementarity of antitrust and privacy.[119] Emerging as a byproduct of the Facebook investigation, the Apple ATT case illustrates the intrinsic tension between these areas of law, highlighting the urgency of determining how to strike a balance between conflicting interests. From this perspective, the Facebook and Apple ATT cases are two faces of the same coin. Each results from the strategic use of privacy in antitrust proceedings by both competition authorities and digital platforms, respectively.
Moreover, the French episode of Apple ATT shows that proposing cooperation between authorities is just rhetoric unfit to resolve these tensions. It is regularly affirmed that any tension between competition and data protection law “can be reconciled through careful consideration of the issues on a case-by-case basis, with consistent and appropriate application of competition and data protection law, and through continued close cooperation” between the authorities.[120] Nonetheless, in the French Apple ATT case, the data-protection regulator’s intervention actually jeopardized the antitrust investigation, demonstrating how the different goals pursued under antitrust and privacy provisions may be irreconcilable in practice.
Finally, the EU’s solution to alleged failures by antitrust and privacy regulators in addressing data accumulation in digital markets has ultimately been crafted outside the traditional competition-law framework and according to a regulation that resolves any potential conflict between competition and data-protection policy goals once and for all. Even the DMA, however, does not fully square with any of the aforementioned theories of harm, as it introduces a pure privacy exception.[121] Indeed, tackling data collection and processing by digital gatekeepers, Article 5(2) DMA prohibits personal-data accumulation strategies unless they are compliant with the GDPR—namely, unless users have been presented with the specific choice and given consent according to data-protection rules. Therefore, rather than providing criteria to evaluate case by case how to strike a balance among the interests involved, the DMA establishes competition-policy deference to privacy, finding that, where personal-data collection and processing by large online platforms are involved, privacy is the greater good.
Given this background, the CJEU’s July 2023 judgment in Meta was much-awaited, representing the season finale of the German Facebook saga.[122]
The decision is in line with the opinion delivered by the Advocate General (AG) Athanasios Rantos.[123] As Rantos had argued, “conduct relating to data processing may breach competition rules even if it complies with the GDPR; conversely, unlawful conduct under the GDPR does not automatically mean that it breaches competition rules.”[124] Therefore, the lawfulness of conduct under antitrust provisions “is not apparent from its compliance or lack of compliance with the GDPR or other legal rules.”[125] Further, according to well-settled CJEU principles, the antitrust assessment requires demonstrating that a dominant undertaking used means other than those within the scope of competition on the merits and, toward this aim, the court must take account of the circumstances of the case, including the relevant legal and economic context.[126] “In that respect, the compliance or non-compliance of that conduct with the provisions of the GDPR, not taken in isolation but considering all the circumstances of the case, may be a vital clue as to whether that conduct entails resorting to methods prevailing under merit-based competition.”[127] Indeed, “access to personal data and the fact that it is possible to process such data have become a significant parameter of competition between undertakings in the digital economy. Therefore, excluding the rules on the protection of personal data from the legal framework to be taken into consideration by the competition authorities when examining an abuse of a dominant position would disregard the reality of this economic development and would be liable to undermine the effectiveness of competition law.”[128]
It follows that. “in the context of the examination of an abuse of a dominant position by an undertaking on a particular market, it may be necessary for the competition authority of the Member State concerned also to examine whether that undertaking’s conduct complies with rules other than those relating to competition law, such as the rules on the protection of personal data laid down by the GDPR.”[129]
Rantos more explicitly distinguished the hypothesis under which an antitrust authority, when prosecuting a breach of competition provisions, rules “primarily” on an infringement of the GDPR from cases in which such evaluations are merely “incidental”:
[T]he examination of an abuse of a dominant position on the market may justify the interpretation, by a competition authority, of rules other than those relating to competition law, such as those of the GDPR, while specifying that such an examination is carried out in an incidental manner and is without prejudice to the application of that regulation by the competent supervisory authorities.[130]
Given the differing objectives of competition and data-protection law, however, where an antitrust authority identifies an infringement of the GDPR in the context of finding of abuse of a dominant position, it does not replace the data-protection supervisory authorities.[131] Therefore, when examining whether an undertaking’s conduct is consistent with the GDPR, competition authorities are required to consult and cooperate sincerely with the competent data-protection authority in order to ensure consistent application of that regulation.[132] In addition, where the data-protection authority has ruled on the application of certain provisions of the GDPR with respect to the same practice or similar practices, the competition authority cannot deviate from that interpretation, although it remains free to draw its own conclusions from the perspective of applying competition law.[133]
While these principles are compelling, they do not appear conclusive in addressing the issue, for two main reasons.
First, as competition authorities have significant leeway in framing their investigations, it will be extremely difficult in practice to demonstrate that they are primarily—rather than incidentally—tackling a data-protection breach. In this regard, the German Facebook investigation represents an illustrative example. In the press release announcing the launch of the proceedings, the Bundeskartellamt stated that Facebook’s terms and conditions violated data-protection law and may “also” be regarded as abuses of a dominant position.[134] Later in the press release, however, in a section concerning the preliminary assessment, the authority changed that perspective, asserting that Facebook’s contractual terms were unfair, quite apart from any privacy infringement, and that, in assessing the competitive impact of such a strategy, it was “also” applying data-protection principles. Further, the Bundeskartellamt ascertained a privacy violation previously undetected by any data-protection authority. If the Facebook case fulfills both requirements of an incidental assessment of a privacy breach and sincere cooperation with the data-protection authority, it will be difficult to imagine any antitrust investigation not passing the bar.[135]
Second, the judgment only examines a scenario in which a GDPR infringement may occur, while not being useful to unraveling the very different situation in which the adoption of a privacy-enhancing solution is invoked as justification for anticompetitive conduct. In that case, cooperation between competition and data-protection authorities has thus far proven to be a harbinger of new issues and conflicts, rather than a panacea for all of the problems.
Finally, the CJEU also addressed another crucial topic of the integration between antitrust and privacy—that being the meaning of “consent” under the GDPR, and especially the requirement of freedom of consent. Supporters of an integrated approach find the legal basis of the privacy/antitrust marriage in the GDPR to be pivotally centered on the role assigned to freely given consent.[136] Notably, they imagine that the GDPR provides the legal basis for a link between data power and market power by stating that, among other things, there is no freely given consent to personal-data processing where there is a “clear imbalance” between the data subject and the controller.[137] In this respect, if the controller holds a dominant position on the market, it is argued that such market power could lead to a clear imbalance in the sense described in the GDPR.
According to the CJEU, however, while it may create such an imbalance, the existence of a dominant position alone cannot, in principle, render the consent invalid.[138] Notably, the fact that the operator of an online social network holds a dominant position on the social-network market does not, as such, prevent users of that social network from validly giving their consent, within the meaning of the GDPR, to the processing of their personal data by that operator. Consequently, the validity of consent should be examined on a case-by-case basis.
Moreover, as observed by Rantos, this does not imply that for market power to be relevant for GDPR enforcement, it needs to be regarded as a dominant position within the meaning of competition law.[139] Therefore, the relationship between data-protection and competition law is not one of mutual respect. While a competition authority is required to cooperate with a data-protection regulator in the case of a privacy breach, and is bound by the interpretation the latter gives of the GDPR, the converse does not apply with regard to the notion of “clear imbalance” under the GDPR. Data-protection authorities are granted significant leeway to establish market power under the GDPR.[140]
The features of digital markets and the emergence of a few large online gatekeepers whose business models revolve around collecting and processing large amounts of data may suggest a link between market power and data power. Accordingly, scholars and policymakers have supported regulatory measures intended to promote data sharing and to empower individuals with more control over their personal data. From a different perspective, this also has led to the idea that competition and data-protection are intertwined and therefore require an integrated approach where, despite holding different objectives, antitrust enforcement should also protect privacy interests.
The integrationist movement claims that unity makes strength. According to this view, while competition and data-protection laws are, in isolation, considered unfit to safeguard their respective interests, the inclusion of privacy harms into antitrust assessments would allow competition authorities to better tackle data-accumulation strategies, and that the enforcement of antitrust rules would be more effective in ensuring data protection.
The purported complementarity, or even synergy, between competition and data-protection law appears, however, difficult to detect in practice. The only case in which a GDPR breach has been considered a proper legal basis for an antitrust intervention is the rather controversial Bundeskartellamt Facebook decision. Further, recent legislative initiatives that have introduced provisions clearly inspired by Facebook and essentially motivated by the aim of bypassing the traditional antitrust analysis (e.g., Article 5(2)DMA and Section 19a GWB) confirm the failure of the integrationist narrative and awareness that it would be impossible to endorse the Bundeskartellamt’s stance. Moreover, whether or not one would argue that the DMA represents a concrete and advanced attempt at integrating data-protection concerns in competition policy, it is worth pointing out that Article 5(2)DMA actually establishes antitrust deference toward privacy.
As if this were not enough, the idea of commingling antitrust and privacy has generated a significant side effect. As a reaction to Facebook and the DMA, some platforms have, indeed, adopted policy changes to restrict user-data tracking on their ecosystems in ways that undermine the effectiveness of rivals’ targeted advertising. The strategic use of privacy as a business justification to pursue anticompetitive advantages testifies once again to the tension between these fields of law. Further, as shown by the French Apple ATT investigation, the call for close cooperation between the authorities is often just a useless and rhetorical expedient.
The proposal to integrate competition and data-protection law in digital markets has been submitted as a much-needed boost to strengthen antitrust enforcement against gatekeepers and their data strategies. Moving away from pure efficiency-oriented assessments to embrace broader social interests, advocates claim, would help ensure more aggressive and effective antitrust enforcement. Including privacy harms in antitrust proceedings turns out, instead, to be a potential curse for competition authorities, providing the major digital players with an opportunity for regulatory gaming to undermine antitrust enforcement.
This should serve as a cautionary tale about the risks of twisting rules to achieve policy outcomes and the importance of respecting the principles and scope of different areas of law.
[1] See Jacques Cre?mer, Yves-Alexander de Montjoye, & Heike Schweitzer, Competition Policy for the Digital Era, (2019) Report for the European Commission, 4, available at https://ec.europa.eu/competition/publications/reports/kd0419345enn.pdf (referring to the possibility that a dominant platform could have incentives to sell “monopoly positions” to sellers by showing buyers alternatives that do not meet their needs).
[2] See Alessandro Bonatti, The Platform Dimension of Digital Privacy, forthcoming in The Economics of Privacy, (Avi Goldfard & Catherine Tucker, eds.), University of Chicago Press; Daron Acemoglu, Ali Makhdoumi, Azarakhsh Malekian, & Asu Ozdaglar, Too Much Data: Prices and Inefficiencies in Data Markets, 14 Am Econ J Microecon 218 (2022); Shota Ichihashi, The Economics of Data Externalities, 196 J. Econ. Theory 105316 (2021); Omri Ben-Shahar, Data Pollution, 11 J. Leg. Anal. 104 (2019); Jay Pil Choi, Doh-Shin Jeon, & Byung-Cheol Kim, Privacy and Personal Data Collection with Information Externalities, 173 J. Public Econ. 113 (2019); see also Jeanine Miklós-Thal, Avi Goldfarb, Avery M. Haviv, & Catherine Tucker, Digital Hermits, NBER Working Paper No. 30920 (2023), (arguing that, as advances in machine learning allow firms to infer more accurately sensitive data from data that appears otherwise innocuous, users’ data-sharing decisions polarize between a group of users choosing to share no data and another group choosing to share all their data (sensitive or not sensitive)).
[3] See, e.g., Competition and Data Protection in Digital Markets: A Joint Statement Between the CMA and the ICO, UK Competition and Markets Authority and Information Commissioner’s Office, (2021) 5, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/cma-ico-joint-statement-on-competition-and-data-protection-law [hereinafter “CMA-ICO Joint Statement”]; Privacy and Competitiveness in the Age of Big Data: The Interplay Between Data Protection, Competition Law and Consumer Protection in the Digital Economy, European Data Protection Supervisor (2014) https://edps.europa.eu/data-protection/our-work/publications/opinions/privacy-and-competitiveness-age-big-data_en.
[4] See, e.g., Investigation of Competition in Digital Markets’, Majority Staff Reports and Recommendations, U.S. House Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Antitrust, Commercial, and Administrative Law (2020), 28, available at https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CPRT-117HPRT47832/pdf/CPRT-117HPRT47832.pdf [hereinafter, “Antitrust Subcommittee Report”]; Frank Pasquale, Privacy, Antitrust, and Power, 20 George Mason Law Rev. 1009 (2013); Pamela J. Harbour & Tara I. Koslov, Section 2 in a Web 2.0 World: An Expanded Vision of Relevant Product Markets, 76 Antitrust Law J. 769 (2010).
[5] See, e.g., Antitrust Subcommittee Report, supra note 4, 39, citing Howard A. Shelanski, Information, Innovation, and Competition Policy for the Internet, 161 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1663 (2013), to argue that “[t]he persistent collection and misuse of consumer data is an indicator of market power in the digital economy”; European Data Protection Supervisor, supra note 3, 35, stating that, where there are a limited number of operators or when one operator is dominant, “the concept of consent becomes more and more illusory;” see also, Online Platforms and Digital Advertising, UK Competition and Markets Authority (2020) para. 6.26, available at https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/5fa557668fa8f5788db46efc/Final_report_Digital_ALT_TEXT.pdf, stating that “[i]n a more competitive market, we would expect that it would be clear to consumers what data is collected about them and how it is used and, crucially, the consumer would have more control. We would then expect platforms to compete with one another to persuade consumers of the benefits of sharing their data or adopt different business models for more privacy-conscious consumers.” However, see also James C. Cooper & John M. Yun, Antitrust & Privacy: It’s Complicated, J. Law Technol. Policy 343 (2022), finding no systematic relationship between privacy ratings and market concentration.
[6] See, e.g., Report on Social Media Services, Australian Competition & Consumer Commission (2023), 128, https://www.accc.gov.au/media-release/accc-report-on-social-media-reinforces-the-need-for-more-protections-for-consumers-and-small-business; Rebecca Kelly Slaughter, The FTC’s Approach to Consumer Privacy, Federal Trade Commission (2019) 3, available at https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/documents/public_statements/1513009/slaughter_remarks_at_ftc_approach_to_consumer_privacy_hearing_4-10-19.pdf.
[7] Antitrust Subcommittee Report, supra note 4, 28; Maurice E. Stucke & Ariel Ezrachi, When Competition Fails to Optimise Quality: A Look at Search Engines, 18 Yale J. Law Technol. 70 (2016).
[8] Pamela J. Harbour, Dissenting Statement in the Matter of Google/DoubleClick, Federal Trade Commission (2007), 4, available at https://www.ftc.gov/sites/default/files/documents/public_statements/statement-matter-google/doubleclick/071220harbour_0.pdf.
[9] For a critical perspective, see Giuseppe Colangelo, In Fairness We (Should Not) Trust: The Duplicity of the EU Competition Policy Mantra in Digital Markets, Antitrust Bulletin (forthcoming).
[10] See Cristina Caffarra & Johnny Ryan, Why Privacy Experts Need a Place at the Antitrust Table, ProMarket (2021) https://www.promarket.org/2021/07/28/privacy-experts-antitrust-data-harms-digital-platforms, arguing that “[t]here is a market power crisis and a privacy crisis, and they compound each other.”
[11] See, e.g., Wolfgang Kerber & Karsten K. Zolna, The German Facebook Case: The Law and Economics of the Relationship Between Competition and Data Protection Law, 54 Eur. J. Law Econ. 217 (2022), arguing that digital markets exhibit two types of market failure (i.e., competition problems on the one hand, and information and behavioral problems on the other) and suggesting that the effectiveness of enforcement should also be an important criterion for determining which policy should deal with a case if both laws can be applied. Accordingly, if data-protection law is uncapable of dealing effectively with privacy issues and competition law appears better able to overcome this challenge, then the competition authority should step in as the lead enforcer. On the enforcement failure of old and new data-protection regimes, see Filippo Lancieri, Narrowing Data Protection’s Enforcement Gap, 74 Maine Law Rev. 15 (2022).
[12] For an overview of various theories that have emerged in the literature, see Erika M. Douglas, The New Antitrust/Data Privacy Law Interface, Yale L.J. F. 647 (2021); Giuseppe Colangelo & Mariateresa Maggiolino, Data Protection in Attention Markets: Protecting Privacy Through Competition? 8 J. Eur. Compet. Law Pract. 363 (2017). See also, Consumer Data Rights and Competition Background: Note by the Secretariat, OECD (2020), available at https://one.oecd.org/document/DAF/COMP(2020)1/en/pdf, and Geoffrey A. Manne & Ben Sperry, The Problems and Perils of Bootstrapping Privacy and Data into an Antitrust Framework, CPI Antitrust Chronicle 2 (2015), exploring the difficulties associated with incorporating consumer-data considerations into competition policy and enforcement.
[13] See Noah Joshua Phillips, Remarks at the Mentor Group Paris Forum, Federal Trade Commission (2019), 13-15, https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/speeches/remarks-commissioner-noah-joshua-phillips-mentor-group-paris-forum; and Maureen K. Ohlhausen & Ben Rossen, Privacy and Competition: Discord or Harmony? 67 Antitrust Bulletin 552 (2022).
[14] See, e.g., Susan Athey, Christian Catalini, & Catherine E. Tucker, The Digital Privacy Paradox: Small Money, Small Costs, Small Talk, NBER Working Paper No. 23488 (2017); Alessandro Acquisti, Curtis Taylor, & Liad Wagman, The Economics of Privacy, 54 J Econ Lit 442 (2016). See also, Avi Goldfarb & Catherine Tucker, Shifts in Privacy Concerns, 102 Am Econ Rev: Papers and Proceedings 349 (2012), noting that individuals’ privacy preferences evolve over time; notably, as people grow older. they get more privacy-conscious. See also Jeffrey T. Prince & Scott Wallsten, How Much Is Privacy Worth Around the World and Across Platforms?, 31 J Econ Manag Strategy. 841 (2022), estimating individuals’ valuation of online privacy across countries (United States, Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, Argentina, and Germany) and data types (personal information on finances, biometrics, location, networks, communications, and web browsing), and finding that Germans value privacy more than people in the United States and Latin American countries do and that, across countries, people most value privacy for financial and biometric information.
[15] Giuseppe Colangelo & Mariateresa Maggiolino, Antitrust Über Alles. Whither Competition Law After Facebook?, 42 World Competition Law and Economics Review 355 (2019).
[16] See, e.g., Federal Trade Commission v. Facebook, Case No. 1:20-cv-03590 (D.D.C. 2021), para. 163, arguing that “[t]he benefits to users of additional competition include some or all of the following: … variety of data protection privacy options for users, including, but not limited to, options regarding data gathering and data usage practices”; and U.S. et al. v. Google, No. 1:20-cv-03010 (D.D.C. 2020), para. 167, arguing that “[b]y restricting competition in general search services, Google’s conduct has harmed consumers by reducing the quality of general search services (including dimensions such as privacy, data protection, and use of consumer data), lessening choice in general search services, and impeding innovation.” See also, Executive Order on Promoting Competition in the American Economy, The White House (2021), https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/presidential-actions/2021/07/09/executive-order-on-promoting-competition-in-the-american-economy, urging federal agencies to pay closer attention to “unfair data collection and surveillance practices that may damage competition, consumer autonomy, and consumer privacy.”
[17] See Margrethe Vestager, Tearing Down Big Tech’s Walls, Project Syndicate (2023) https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/eu-big-tech-legislation-digital-services-markets-by-margrethe-vestager-2023-03, stating that “[w]e are proud that Europe has become the cradle of tech regulation globally.”
[18] Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 on the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data, and repealing Directive 95/46/EC, [2016] OJ L 119/1, Article 20. See Bert-Jaap Koops, The Trouble with European Data Protection Law, 4 Int. Data Priv. Law 4, 44 (2014), arguing that “[b]y its nature, data portability would be more at home in the regulation of unfair business practices or electronic commerce, or perhaps competition law—all domains that regulate abuse of power by commercial providers to lock-in consumers.”
[19] Bundeskartellamt, 7 February 2019, Case B6-22/16.
[20] CMA-ICO Joint Statement, supra note 3, 18-19.
[21] Ibid., 23.
[22] Douglas, supra note 12.
[23] See, e.g., hiQ Labs v. LinkedIn, 938 F.3d 985 (9th Cir. 2019), affirmed 31 F.4th 1180 (9th Cir. 2022), allowing hiQ continued access to LinkedIn users’ profile information in the name of competition. Notably, the court pointed out that hiQ’s entire business depends on being able to access public LinkedIn member profiles and that, at the same time, there is little evidence that LinkedIn users who choose to make their profiles public actually maintain an expectation of privacy with respect to the information that they post publicly. Therefore, “even if some users retain some privacy interests in their information notwithstanding their decision to make their profiles public, we cannot, on the record before us, conclude that those interests—or more specifically, LinkedIn’s interest in preventing hiQ from scraping those profiles—are significant enough to outweigh hiQ’s interest in continuing its business, which depends on accessing, analyzing, and communicating information derived from public LinkedIn profiles.”
[24] See, e.g., Epic Games v. Apple, 559 F. Supp. 3d 898, 922–23 (N.D. Cal. 2021), affirmed in part and reversed in part 2023 U.S. App. LEXIS 9775 (9th Cir. 2023), finding that Apple’s restrictions are designed to improve device security and user privacy; and District Court (Rechtbank) of Rotterdam, 24 December 2021, Case No. ROT 21/4781 and ROT 21/4782, dismissing the arguments that Apple’s in-app payment system is needed for security and privacy.
[25] See, e.g., Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato, 11 May 2023, Case A561; Press Release, Bundeskartellamt Reviews Apple’s Tracking Rules for Third-Party Apps, Bundeskartellamt (2022), https://www.bundeskartellamt.de/SharedDocs/Meldung/EN/Pressemitteilungen/2022/14_06_2022_Apple.html; Autorité de la Concurrence, 17 March 2021, Decision 21-D-07, Apple, https://www.autoritedelaconcurrence.fr/en/decision/regarding-request-interim-measures-submitted-associations-interactive-advertising-bureau; Apple – The President of UOKiK Initiates an Investigation, Urz?d Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentów (2021), https://uokik.gov.pl/news.php?news_id=18092. See also, Mobile Ecosystems: Market Study Final Report, UK Competition and Markets Authority (2022) Chapter 6 and Appendix J, https://www.gov.uk/cma-cases/mobile-ecosystems-market-study.
[26] Phillips, supra note 13, 15.
[27] CJEU (Grand Chamber), 4 July 2023, Case C-252/21, Meta Platforms v. Bundeskartellamt, EU:C:2023:537.
[28] See, e.g., European Data Protection Supervisor, supra note 3, 26, stating that “clearly power is achieved through control over massive volumes of data on service users.”
[29] See GDPR, supra note 18, Recital 7.
[30] European Data Protection Supervisor, supra note 3, 26.
[31] CMA-ICO Joint Statement, supra note 3, 5.
[32] Nicholas Economides & Ioannis Lianos, Restrictions on Privacy and Exploitation in the Digital Economy: A Market Failure Perspective, 17 J. Competition Law Econ. 765 (2021).
[33] Competition Law and Data, Autorité de la Concurrence and Bundeskartellamt (2016), 25, available at https://www.bundeskartellamt.de/SharedDocs/Publikation/DE/Berichte/Big%20Data%20Papier.pdf?__blob=publicationFile&v=2.
[34] Economides & Lianos, supra note 32.
[35] Ibid., 770-771.
[36] GDPR, supra note 18, Article 4(11).
[37] Ibid., Article 7.
[38] Autorité de la Concurrence and Bundeskartellamt, supra note 33, 25. See also Australian Competition & Consumer Commission, supra note 6, 41, arguing that exploitative conduct involves the use of market power to “give less and charge more” and that, for consumers, this may involve lower-quality services or the excessive costs of providing personal data to access services.
[39] Autorité de la Concurrence and Bundeskartellamt, supra note 33, 24.
[40] Facebook, supra note 19. For a comment on the different episodes of the Facebook saga, see, e.g., Kerber and Zolna, supra note 11; Anne C. Witt, Excessive Data Collection as a Form of Anticompetitive Conduct: The German Facebook Case, 66 Antitrust Bulletin 276 (2021); Marco Botta and Klaus Wiedemann, The interaction of EU competition, consumer, and data protection law in the digital economy: the regulatory dilemma in the Facebook odyssey, 64 Antitrust Bulletin 428 (2019); Colangelo and Maggiolino, supra note 15.
[41] Facebook, supra note 19, paras. 778-780 and 792, stating that users could not have expected that the platform would analyse data emanating from other websites and, when they had the opportunity to read Facebook’s terms of service, users could barely understand the reasons why Facebook was processing and combining their data since Facebook’s terms of service were very complex, replete with links to other explanations, and significantly too opaque to allow ordinary users to understand its data policy.
[42] Ibid., section B(II), stating that voluntary consent to users’ information being processed cannot be assumed if their consent is a prerequisite for using the Facebook service in the first place.
[43] Ibid., para. 645, highlighting that GDPR’s Recitals 42 and 43 state that consent is not freely given where consumers have no alternative options, or where there are clear power imbalances. See also Inge Graef & Sean Van Berlo, Towards Smarter Regulation in the Areas of Competition, Data Protection and Consumer Law: Why Greater Power Should Come with Greater Responsibility, 12 Eur. J. Risk Regul. 674 (2021), arguing that, in formulating this two-way interaction between data-protection law and competition law, the Bundeskartellamt has not only incorporated data-protection principles into its competition analysis, but similarly transferred elements of competition law into data protection; and Orla Lynskey, Grappling With ‘Data Power’: Normative Nudges From Data Protection and Privacy, 20 Theor. Inq. Law 189 (2019), supporting the view that the GDPR provides a normative foundation for imposing a special responsibility on controllers holding data power, analogous to the special responsibility that competition law imposes on dominant firms.
[44] See Press Release, Bundeskartellamt Prohibits Facebook From Combining User Data From Different Sources, Bundeskartellamt (2019), https://www.bundeskartellamt.de/SharedDocs/Publikation/EN/Pressemitteilungen/2019/07_02_2019_Facebook.html;jsessionid=8A581062B36687451A3D1E7A5C256390.2_cid378?nn=3600108, arguing that “[t]he combination of data sources substantially contributed to the fact that Facebook was able to build a unique database for each individual user and thus to gain market power.”
[45] Facebook FAQs, Bundeskartellamt (2019), 6, https://www.bundeskartellamt.de/SharedDocs/Publikation/EN/Pressemitteilungen/2019/07_02_2019_Facebook_FAQs.pdf?__blob=publicationFile&v=6.
[46] See Colangelo & Maggiolino, supra note 15.
[47] Press Release, Meta (Facebook) Introduces New Accounts Center – An Important Step in the Implementation of the Bundeskartellamt’s Decision, Bundeskartellamt (2023), https://www.bundeskartellamt.de/SharedDocs/Meldung/EN/Pressemitteilungen/2023/07_06_Meta_Daten.html.
[48] Colangelo & Maggiolino, supra note 15.
[49] OLG Du?sseldorf, 26 August 2019, Case VI-Kart 1/19 (V), 10.
[50] Ibid., 11.
[51] Ibid., 12.
[52] Bundesgerichtshof, 23 June 2020, Case KVR 69/19.
[53] Ibid., para. 58.
[54] Ibid..
[55] Ibid., para. 86.
[56] Ibid., para. 94.
[57] OLG Du?sseldorf, 24 March 2021, Case Kart 2/19 (V).
[58] Meta, supra note 27.
[59] Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato, 10 December 2018, Case PS11112, Facebook-Condivisione dati con terzi.
[60] Nederlandstalige Rechtbank van Eerste Aanleg te Brussel, 16 February 2018.
[61] Regulation (EU) 2022/1925 on contestable and fair markets in the digital sector and amending Directives (EU) 2019/1937 and (EU) 2020/1828 (Digital Markets Act) [2022] OJ L 265/1, Article 5(2).
[62] Ibid., Recital 36.
[63] Ibid., Recital 37.
[64] For critical analysis of this issue and more generally on the controversial relationship between the DMA and the GDPR, see Alba Ribera Marti?nez, The Circularity of Consent in the DMA: A Close Look into the Prejudiced Substance of Articles 5(2) and 6(10), Concorrenza e Mercato (forthcoming). See also Marco Botta & Danielle Da Costa Leite Borges, User’s Consent Under Art. 5(2) Digital Markets Act (DMA): Exploring the Complex Relationship Between the DMA and the GDPR, EUI RSC Working Paper (forthcoming), arguing that, while respecting the general criteria indicated by Art. 7 GDPR, the users’ consent under Art. 5(2) DMA should be adjusted to the DMA peculiarity and that the DMA should be considered as a lex specialis, taking precedence over the GDPR in case of conflict. Previously, the revised e-Privacy Directive introduced an opt-in system for website cookies: see Directive 2009/136/EC amending Directive 2002/22/EC on universal service and users’ rights relating to electronic communications networks and services, Directive 2002/58/EC concerning the processing of personal data and the protection of privacy in the electronic communications sector and Regulation (EC) No 2006/2004 on cooperation between national authorities responsible for the enforcement of consumer protection laws, (2009) OJ L 337/11, Article 5(3).
[65] DMA, supra note 61, Recital 72.
[66] Press Release, Statement of Objections Issued Against Google’s Data Processing Terms, Bundeskartellamt (2023), https://www.bundeskartellamt.de/SharedDocs/Meldung/EN/Pressemitteilungen/2023/11_01_2023_Google_Data_Processing_Terms.html.
[67] Ibid.
[68] Entwurf Eines Gesetzes zur A?nderung des Gesetzes Gegen Wettbewerbsbeschra?nkungen fu?r ein Fokussiertes, Proaktives und Digitales Wettbewerbsrecht 4.0 und Anderer Wettbewerbsrechtlicher Bestimmungen, Bundestag (2020), available at https://dserver.bundestag.de/btd/19/234/1923492.pdf.
[69] See Giuseppe Colangelo, The European Digital Markets Act and Antitrust Enforcement: A Liaison Dangereuse, 47 Eur. Law Rev. 597 (2022).
[70] Bundeskartellamt, 30 December 2021, Case B7-61/21, https://www.bundeskartellamt.de/SharedDocs/Entscheidung/EN/Entscheidungen/Missbrauchsaufsicht/2022/B7-61-22.html.
[71] Bundeskartellamt, 5 October 2023, Case B7-70/21.
[72] The Bundeskartellamt identified four main deficiencies to support its prohibition of Google’s data-processing terms (ibid., paras. 50-54). Namely, because of a lack of sufficient granularity in the settings options, users could not opt out of cross-service data processing or limit data processing to the Google service in which the data were generated. End users could only choose between accepting personalization across all services or opting out of personalization altogether. Further, users were not given sufficient choice within the meaning of Section 19a GWB, as in some cases, Google offers users no choice at all as to data-processing options. Furthermore, the settings options that Google offered lacked sufficient transparency—i.e., sufficiently concise and comprehensible indications providing users with sufficient information as to whether, how, and for what purpose Google processes data across services. Finally, when creating a Google account, a user’s options consent or reject consent were not equivalent.
[73] Ibid., para. 78.
[74] See, e.g., Inge Graef, Damian Clifford, & Peggy Valcke, Fairness and Enforcement: Bridging Competition, Data Protection, and Consumer Law, 8 Int. Data Priv. Law 200, 219-220 (2018).
[75] European Commission, 11 March 2008, Case COMP/M.4731. Previously, in a different setting (i.e., discussing an exchange-of-information case), the CJEU (23 November 2006, Case C-238/05, Asnef-Equifax, EU:C:2006:734, para. 63) affirmed that “any possible issues relating to the sensitivity of personal data are not, as such, a matter for competition law, they may be resolved on the basis of the relevant provisions governing data protection.”
[76] Google/DoubleClick, supra note 75, para. 364. See also para. 365, where the Commission noted that “that the combination of data about searches with data about users’ web surfing behaviour [wa]s already available to a number of Google’s competitors.”
[77] Ibid., para. 368.
[78] European Commission, 3 October 2014, Case COMP/M.7217.
[79] Ibid., para. 189.
[80] Ibid., para. 164.
[81] European Commission, 6 December 2016, Case COMP/M.8124.
[82] Ibid., fn 330.
[83] Ibid., para. 180.
[84] Ibid., para. 177.
[85] Ibid., para. 178.
[86] Ibid., para. 179.
[87] European Commission, 6 September 2018, Case COMP/M.8788, paras. 221 and 314.
[88] European Commission, 17 December 2020, Case COMP/M.9660.
[89] See, Statement on Privacy Implications of Mergers, European Data Protection Board (2020), available at https://edpb.europa.eu/sites/default/files/files/file1/edpb_statement_2020_privacyimplicationsofmergers_en.pdf, arguing that “(t)here are concerns that the possible further combination and accumulation of sensitive personal data regarding people in Europe by a major tech company could entail a high level of risk to the fundamental rights to privacy and to the protection of personal data.”
[90] Google/Fitbit, supra note 84, para. 410.
[91] Ibid., fn. 299.
[92] Ibid., fn. 300.
[93] European Commission, 21 December 2021, Case COMP/M.10290.
[94] European Commission, 27 January 2022, Case COMP/M.10262.
[95] Press Release, Commission Clears Creation of a Joint Venture by Deutsche Telekom, Orange, Telefo?nica and Vodafone, European Commission (2023), https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/IP_23_721. Previously, in a similar vein, see European Commission, 4 September 2012, Case COMP/M.6314, Telefo?nica UK/Vodafone UK/ Everything Everywhere/ JV.
[96] UK Competition and Markets Authority, supra note 25, Appendix J.
[97] See, e.g., Nils Wernerfelt, Anna Tuchman, Bradley Shapiro, & Robert Moakler, Estimating the Value of Offsite Data to Advertisers on Meta, SSRN (2022) https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4176208, finding that the costs to acquire new consumers through targeted advertisements increases tremendously without access to offsite data. On the value of external data and on the relevance (especially for small and medium-sized players) of gaining access to external data from large players in the marketplace, see also Xiaoxia Lei, Yixing Chen, & Ananya Sen, The Value of External Data for Digital Platforms: Evidence from a Field Experiment on Search Suggestions, SSRN (2023) https://ssrn.com/abstract=4452804.
[98] For a review of the economic literature on the GDPR and its unintended consequences on firms’ performance, innovation, competition, and market concentration, as well as its impact on personalized marketing channels, see Garrett A. Johnson, Economic Research on Privacy Regulation: Lessons from the GDPR and Beyond, (forthcoming) in The Economics of Privacy, supra note 2.
[99] See Reinhold Kesler, Digital Platforms Implement Privacy-Centric Policies: What Does It Mean for Competition?, CPI Antitrust Chronicle 1 (2022), and Daniel Sokol & Feng Zhu, Harming Competition and Consumers Under the Guise of Protecting Privacy: Review of Empirical Evidence, CPI Antitrust Chronicle 12 (2022), for a review of economic studies showing that advertising revenues decrease with limited tracking abilities and providing empirical evidence of reduced user tracking on Apple as a consequence of the ATT policy. See also Wernerfelt, Tuchman, Shapiro, & Moakler, supra note 97, finding that restrictions on offsite data particularly harms smaller advertisers.
[100] See Sokol & Zhu, supra note 99. See also Kesler, Digital Platforms Implement Privacy-Centric Policies: What Does It Mean For Competition?, supra note 99, suggesting that the ATT brings back paid apps and reinforces the industry trend toward more in-app payments. With regard to the possibility that the ATT framework may affect the developers’ incentives in the Apple ecosystem, see also Cristobal Cheyre, Benjamin T. Leyden, Sagar Baviskar, & Alessandro Acquisti, The Impact of Apple’s App Tracking Transparency Framework on the App Ecosystem, CESifo Working Paper No. 10456 (2023), https://www.cesifo.org/en/publications/2023/working-paper/impact-apples-app-tracking-transparency-framework-app-ecosystem, finding that developers did not withdraw from the market after ATT and instead adapted to operate under the new conditions. Further, see Ding Li & Hsin-Tien Tsai, Mobile Apps and Targeted Advertising: Competitive Effects of Data Exchange, SSRN (2022), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4088166, finding that apps’ inability to use tracking for advertising affects large apps to a greater degree, as they experience larger declines than smaller apps in download numbers and innovation.
[101] Autorité de la Concurrence, supra note 25.
[102] Bundeskartellamt, supra note 25.
[103] Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato, supra note 25.
[104] Urz?d Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentów, supra note 25.
[105] UK Competition and Markets Authority, supra note 25.
[106] Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato, supra note 25, para. 47.
[107] Autorité de la Concurrence, supra note 25. In a similar vein, see Anzo DeGiulio, Hanoom Lee, & Eleanor Birrell, “Ask App not to Track”: The Effect of Opt-In Tracking Authorization on Mobile Privacy, in Emerging Technologies for Authorization and Authentication (Andrea Saracino and Paolo Mori, eds.), Springer Cham (2022), 152, finding that opt-in authorizations are effective at enhancing data privacy. Conversely, see Chongwoo Choe, Noriaki Matsushima, & Shiva Shekhar, The Bright Side of the GDPR: Welfare-Improving Privacy Management, CESifo Working Paper No. 10617 (2023) https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4558426, distinguishing among platforms’ business models and arguing that, if the firm’s revenue is largely usage-based rather than data-based, then both the firm’s profit and consumer surplus increase after the GDPR’s opt-in requirement, while if the firm’s revenue is largely from data monetization, then the opt-in can reduce the firm’s profit and consumer surplus.
[108] See also Catherine Armitage, Nick Botton, Louis Dejeu-Castang, & Laureline Lemoine, Study on the Impact of Recent Developments in Digital Advertising on Privacy, Publishers and Advertisers, AWO Belgium (2023) Report for the European Commission, 227, https://op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/8b950a43-a141-11ed-b508-01aa75ed71a1/language-en, arguing that consent prompts under the ATT policy are user-friendly, easily accessible, comprehensible and actionable; and UK Competition and Markets Authority, supra note 25, para. 6.163, acknowledging the privacy benefits associated with the introduction of ATT, as it enhances users’ control over their personal data and significantly improves developers’ compliance with data-protection law.
[109] Press Release, Commission Opens Investigation into Possible Anticompetitive Conduct by Google in the Online Advertising Technology Sector, European Commission (2021), https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_21_3143.
[110] Ibid.
[111] Press Release, Investigation into Google’s ‘Privacy Sandbox’ Browser Changes, UK Competition and Markets Authority (2021), https://www.gov.uk/cma-cases/investigation-into-googles-privacy-sandbox-browser-changes.
[112] Ibid.
[113] See also UK Competition and Markets Authority, supra note 25, para. 10.19, stating that “[w]orking closely with the ICO, the CMA now has a role in overseeing the development of Google’s proposals for replacements to third-party cookies, so that they protect privacy without unduly restricting competition and harming consumers.”
[114] Colangelo & Maggiolino, supra note 12.
[115] See, e.g., UK Competition and Markets Authority, supra note 5; Antitrust Subcommittee Report, supra note 4; Pasquale, supra note 4; Harbour & Koslov, supra note 4.
[116] Harbour, supra note 8.
[117] Antitrust Subcommittee Report, supra note 4; Stucke & Ezrachi, supra note 7.
[118] See Autorité de la Concurrence and Bundeskartellamt, supra note 33. See also Australian Competition & Consumer Commission, supra note 6; Slaughter, supra note 6.
[119] Douglas, supra note 12, 667.
[120] See, e.g., CMA-ICO Joint Statement, supra note 3, 26.
[121] At best, it may be argued that the DMA, supra note 61, Recitals 36 and 72, supports the theory of harm that, because of network effects and other structural features of digital markets, the strengthening of gatekeepers’ power lowers their incentives to compete through offering high levels of privacy. These Recitals consider that ensuring data protection facilitates contestability of core platform services by avoiding the risks that gatekeepers raise barriers to entry and allow other undertakings to differentiate themselves better through the use of superior privacy guarantees.
[122] Meta, supra note 27.
[123] Opinion of the Advocate General Athanasios Rantos, 20 September 2022, Case C-252/21, EU:C:2022:704.
[124] Ibid., fn 18.
[125] Ibid., para. 23.
[126] See CJEU, 17 February 2011, Case C-52/09, Konkurrensverket v. TeliaSonera Sverige AB, EU:C:2011:83; 27 March 2012, Case C-209/10, Post Danmark A/S v. Konkurrencerådet, EU:C:2012:172; 6 October 2015, Case C-23/14, Post Danmark A/S v. Konkurrencerådet (Post Danmark II) EU:C:2015:651; 6 September 2017, Case C-413/14 P, Intel v. Commission, EU:C:2017:632; 30 January 2020, Case C-307/18, Generics (UK) and Others v. Competition and Markets Authority, EU:C:2020:52; 25 March 2021, Case C-152/19 P, Deutsche Telekom v. Commission (Deutsche Telekom II), EU:C:2021:238; 12 May 2022, Case C-377/20, Servizio Elettrico Nazionale SpA v. Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato, EU:C:2022:379.
[127] Meta, supra note 27, para. 47, quoting Rantos, supra note 123, para. 23.
[128] Meta, supra note 27, para. 51.
[129] Ibid., para. 48.
[130] Rantos, supra note 123, para. 24.
[131] Meta, supra note 27, para. 49.
[132] Ibid., paras. 52 and 54.
[133] Ibid., para. 56. See also Rantos, supra note 120, paras. 29-30.
[134] See Giuseppe Colangelo & Mariateresa Maggiolino, Data Accumulation and the Privacy-Antitrust Interface: Insights from the Facebook Case, 8 Int. Data Priv. Law 224 (2018).
[135] See also Peter Georg Picht, CJEU on Facebook: GDPR Processing Justifications and Application Competence, SSRN (2023) 3, https://ssrn.com/abstract=4521320, arguing that it is doubtful whether informal communications, as apparently held by the Bundeskartellamt with one of the competent GDPR authorities, sufficiently protect party rights.
[136] See, e.g., Klaus Wiedemann, Data Protection and Competition Law Enforcement in the Digital Economy: Why a Coherent and Consistent Approach is Necessary, 52 IIC 915 (2021), arguing that the regulation of consent to the processing of personal data under the GDPR serves as a dogmatic link between data-protection and competition law, as the freedom to choose granted by the GDPR to users whose personal data are monetized shares significant overlaps with the economic freedom acknowledged in competition-law jurisprudence.
[137] GDPR, supra note 18, para. 74.
[138] Meta, supra note 27, paras. 147 and 149. See also Rantos, supra note 123, para. 75.
[139] Rantos, supra note 123, para. 75.
[140] For an analysis of the critical implications, see Alessia Sophia D’Amico, Market Power and the GDPR: Can Consent Given to Dominant Companies Ever Be Freely Given?, SSRN (2023), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4492347. See also Peter Georg Picht & Ce?dric Akeret, Back to Stage One? – AG Rantos’ Opinion in the Meta (Facebook) Case, SSRN (2023), 4, https://ssrn.com/abstract=4414591, considering the question of whether GDPR market power can be not only less than competition-law dominance but also of a different nature—e.g., based on a set of parameters that would not suffice, as such, to establish market power in the competition-law sense.
