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In their zeal to curb big tech through the Digital Markets Act, the European legislators are risking the privacy and security of all Europeans. It is time to accept the reality that the measures meant to force big platforms to be more open, will force them to lower their defences and to open the data of Europeans to bad actors. No amount of wishful thinking will change the fact that forced openness is in a tug of war with security. The DMA’s privacy and security provisions do not come close to taking the problem seriously and unreasonably expect the tech companies to solve a new class of risks that the DMA will create.

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Abstract

Conceived as a theory of competitive harm, self-preferencing has been at the core of recent European landmark cases (e.g., Google Android, Google Shopping). In the context of EU competition law, beyond the anti-competitive leveraging effect, self-preferencing may lead to vertical and horizontal exclusionary abuses, encourage exploitation abuses, and generate economic dependence abuses. In this paper, we aim at characterizing the various forms of self-preferencing, investigating platforms’ capacity and incentives to do so through their dual role, by shedding light on the economic assessment of these practices in an effects-based approach. We analyze the different options for remedies in this context, by insisting on their necessity, adequacy, and proportionality.

European Union (EU) legislators are now considering an Artificial Intelligence Act (AIA)—the original draft of which was published by the European Commission in April 2021—that aims to ensure AI systems are safe in a number of uses designated as “high risk.” One of the big problems with the AIA is that, as originally drafted, it is not at all limited to AI, but would be sweeping legislation covering virtually all software. The EU governments seem to have realized this and are trying to fix the proposal. However, some pressure groups are pushing in the opposite direction.

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Early last month, the Italian competition authority issued a record 1.128 billion euro fine against Amazon for abuse of dominance under Article 102 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). In its order, the Agenzia Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato (AGCM) essentially argues that Amazon has combined its Amazon.it marketplace and Fulfillment by Amazon (FBA) services to exclude logistics rivals such as FedEx, DHL, UPS, and Poste Italiane.

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The Autorità Garante della Concorenza e del Mercato (AGCM), Italy’s competition and consumer-protection watchdog, on Nov. 25 handed down fines against Google and Apple of €10 million each—the maximum penalty contemplated by the law—for alleged unfair commercial practices. Ultimately, the two decisions stand as textbook examples of why regulators should, wherever possible, strongly defer to consumer preferences, rather than substitute their own.

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ICLE Director of Competition Policy Sam Bowman joined ECIPE for an online discussion of whether regulation and antitrust could produce more competitive technology markets. The full clip is embedded below.

The European Commission and its supporters were quick to claim victory following last week’s long-awaited General Court of the European Union ruling in the Google Shopping case. It’s hard to fault them. The judgment is ostensibly an unmitigated win for the Commission, with the court upholding nearly every aspect of its decision.

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Some EU decision-makers have adopted a radical and unreasonable interpretation of EU data protection law that lacks a limiting principle. The ultimate result may be that EU customers lose access not only to cloud services offered by U.S. providers but also to almost any software from the United States. One can only hope that the EU Court of Justice rejects this interpretation and adopts the more pragmatic view shared by the European Commission and many EU governments.

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There has been a rapid proliferation of proposals in recent years to closely regulate competition among large digital platforms. The European Union’s Digital Markets Act (DMA, which will become effective in 2023) imposes a variety of data-use, interoperability, and non-self-preferencing obligations on digital “gatekeeper” firms. A host of other regulatory schemes are being considered in Australia, France, Germany, and Japan, among other countries (for example, see here). The United Kingdom has established a Digital Markets Unit “to operationalise the future pro-competition regime for digital markets.” Recently introduced U.S. Senate and House Bills—although touted as “antitrust reform” legislation—effectively amount to “regulation in disguise” of disfavored business activities by very large companies,  including the major digital platforms (see here and here).

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