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TL;DR The Dodd-Frank Act of 2010 set price controls for debit-card interchange fees charged by banks with more than $10 billion in assets.
The Dodd-Frank Act of 2010 set price controls for debit-card interchange fees charged by banks with more than $10 billion in assets. Known colloquially as the “Durbin Amendment” after Sen. Dick Durbin, who sponsored the original proposal, the provision was supposed to cut costs for customers and merchants by cutting the interchange fees charged by large banks roughly in half.
Covered banks and credit unions have recouped these losses by eliminating free checking accounts, raising minimum balance requirements, and charging higher maintenance fees. While retailers have seen cost reductions as a result of the Durbin Amendment, there is little evidence those savings have been passed on to consumers.
In recent years, some lawmakers have signaled interest in limiting interchange fees on credit-card transactions, as well. Some elements of the retail sector likewise sought a cap on credit card interchange fees as part of COVID-19 relief legislation in 2020. Sen. Durbin himself also recently suggested the Durbin Amendment’s cap on interchange fees should be extended to credit cards. The predictable result would be a reduction in credit and rewards programs made available to consumers.
Read the full explainer here.
Scholarship Many people hope that data interoperability can increase competition, by making it easier for customers to switch and multi-home across different products. The UK’s Open . . .
Many people hope that data interoperability can increase competition, by making it easier for customers to switch and multi-home across different products. The UK’s Open Banking is the most important example of such a remedy imposed by a competition authority, but the experience demonstrates that such remedies are unlikely to be straightforward. The experience of Open Banking suggests that such remedies should be applied with focus and patience, may require ongoing regulatory oversight to work, and may be best suited to particular kinds of market where, like retail banking, the products are relatively homogeneous. But even then, they may not deliver the outcomes that many hopes for.
Data portability and interoperability tools allow customers to easily move their data between competing services, either on a one-off or an ongoing basis. Some see these tools as offering the potential to strengthen competition in digital markets; customers who feel locked in to services that they have provided data to might be more likely to switch to competitors if they could move that data more easily. This would be particularly true, advocates hope, where network effects grant existing services value that new rivals cannot emulate or where one of the barriers to switching services is the cost of re-entering personal data.
The UK’s Open Banking system is one of the most mature and important examples of this kind of policy in practice. As such, the UK’s experience to date may offer useful clues as to the potential for similar policies in other markets, for which the UK’s Furman Report has cited Open Banking as a model. But fans of interoperability sometimes gloss over the difficulties and limitations that Open Banking has faced, which are just as important as the potential benefits.
In this article, I argue that Open Banking provides lessons that should both give hope to optimists about data portability and interoperability, as well as temper some of the enthusiasm for applying it too broadly and readily.
I draw on my experiences as part of the team that produced the industry review “Open Banking: Preparing For Lift Off” in 2019. That report concluded that Open Banking, though promising, needed several additional reforms to succeed, a few of which I discuss in this piece. I was also the co-author of a white paper that argued for an Open Banking-like remedy in the UK’s retail electricity market, which I discuss briefly below. All views expressed here are my own.
I argue that there are three main lessons to draw from Open Banking for considerations of similar remedies in other markets:
I conclude that Open Banking has not yet led to noticeably stronger competition in the UK banking sector. Implementation challenges suggest that taking an equivalent approach to other markets would require more time, investment and effort than many advocates of interoperability requirements usually concede and may not deliver the anticipated benefits. To the extent that Open Banking is to be a model, it would be best applied as a focused approach in markets that bear particular characteristics and where the costs are outweighed by the benefits, rather than a blanket measure that can be applied to every market where customer data matters.
Read the full white paper here.
TOTM Excess is unflattering, no less when claiming that every evolution in legal doctrine is a slippery slope leading to damnation. In Friday’s New York Times, . . .
Excess is unflattering, no less when claiming that every evolution in legal doctrine is a slippery slope leading to damnation. In Friday’s New York Times, Lina Khan trots down this alarmist path while considering the implications for the pending Supreme Court case of Ohio v. American Express. One of the core issues in the case is the proper mode of antitrust analysis for credit card networks as two-sided markets. The Second Circuit Court of Appeals agreed with arguments, such as those that we have made, that it is important to consider the costs and benefits to both sides of a two-sided market when conducting an antitrust analysis. The Second Circuit’s opinion is under review in the American Express case.
Read the full piece here.
Scholarship Over the past 20 years, credit cards have become an increasingly popular means of paying for goods and services in Canada. Today nearly 90 percent of Canadian adults own a credit card and approximately 65 percent of all point of sale payments are made using credit cards.
Over the past 20 years, credit cards have become an increasingly popular means of paying for goods and services in Canada. Today nearly 90 percent of Canadian adults own a credit card and approximately 65 percent of all point of sale payments are made using credit cards.
The rise of credit cards has been driven by the benefits that accompany their use, including convenience, security, insurance, and warranties on purchases. But arguably the biggest driver has been the rewards that cards offer, such as cash back, Air Miles or Aeroplan rewards, or merchant-specific rewards. About 80 percent of Canadians with credit cards have at least one card that offers rewards for use, and owners of credit cards with rewards say that the rewards are the primary reason they use their rewards card for purchases.
The benefits provided by credit cards are paid for by the issuing bank through a combination of annual fees charged to cardholders and transaction fees charged to merchants. In closed-loop three-party card systems (primarily American Express, as well as international cards issued by Discover), the payment card provider charges both merchants and consumers directly. In four-party card systems (Visa and Mastercard), card issuers charge cardholders directly but the fees from merchants come via the acquirer (such as a merchant’s bank), which charges merchants a service charge. The largest portion of the merchant service charge is the interchange fee, which is passed on to issuing banks.
In spite of the higher annual fees on cards with more benefits, the vast majority of consumers report that they receive more benefits from their cards than the cost of the fees they carry. Middle class consumers are the major beneficiaries of credit card rewards. A consumer or household earning $40k might expect annual rewards valued at $450, while paying fees of $75, providing a net bene t of $375. Meanwhile, a consumer or household earning $90k might expect benefits of about $1350 while paying $225 in fees, providing a net bene t of around $1125.
Merchants, however, are less happy with the higher interchange fees. Apparently assuming that all of the bene t of rewards cards accrues to users, while merchants bear the added interchange cost, these merchants say that the increase has negatively affected their profitability. Of note, however, the number of merchants who accept credit cards, after falling in the early 2000s, has increased in the past decade – and appears to have risen more rapidly following the introduction of more generous rewards cards, in spite of a rise in accompanying interchange fees.
Some merchant groups have, in fact, called for the government to impose caps on interchange fees; in February 2016, a private member’s bill was introduced in Parliament seeking to do just that.
Interchange fee caps, like other price controls, tend to have predictable effects: as a rule, they result in other prices increasing, leading to a redistribution, but not a reduction, in overall costs. Several other countries have introduced caps on interchange fees, including, of particular relevance, the caps introduced in Australia in 2003. These caps resulted in a significant increase in the annual fees charged to cardholders and a substantial reduction in the rate at which card use earned rewards.
Using data on and analysis of the effect of Australia’s interchange fee caps, combined with publicly available and proprietary data on Canadian credit card use, household income and expenditure, and other economic variables, the authors of this report modelled the likely effects of introducing a cap on interchange fees in Canada. They estimate that, were an interchange fee cap imposed here, it would have significant negative consequences for Canadian consumers and the Canadian economy as a whole. Specifically, they estimate that if interchange fees were forcibly reduced by 40 percent:
The authors estimate that a tighter cap on interchange fees would have a more dramatic negative effect on middle class households and the economy as a whole.
They also provide specific case studies for three typical middle class households, showing how a cap on interchange fees, along the lines of those imposed in Australia, would affect their household income and expenditure.
Continue reading at Macdonald-Laurier Institute
ICLE White Paper During the past decade, academics—predominantly scholars of behavioral law and economics—have increasingly turned to the claimed insights of behavioral economics in order to craft novel policy proposals in many fields, most significantly consumer credit regulation.
During the past decade, academics—predominantly scholars of behavioral law and economics—have increasingly turned to the claimed insights of behavioral economics in order to craft novel policy proposals in many fields, most significantly consumer credit regulation. Over the same period, these ideas have also gained traction with policymakers, resulting in a variety of legislative efforts, such as the creation of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.
In 2016 the issue reached the Supreme Court, which granted certiorari in Expressions Hair Design v. New York for the October 2016 term. The case, which centers on a decades-old New York state law that prohibits merchants from imposing surcharge fees for credit card purchases, represents the first major effort to ground constitutional law (here, First Amendment law) in the claims of behavioral economics.
In this article we examine the merits of that effort. Claims about the real-world application of behavioral economic theories should not be uncritically accepted— especially when advanced to challenge a state’s commercial regulation on constitutional grounds. And courts should be especially careful before relying on such claims where the available evidence fails to support them, where the underlying theories are so poorly developed that they have actually been employed elsewhere to support precisely opposite arguments, and where alternative theories grounded in more traditional economic reasoning are consistent with both the history of the challenged laws and the evidence of actual consumer behavior. The Petitioners in the case (five New York businesses) and their amici (scholars of both behavioral law and economics and First Amendment law) argue that New York’s ban on surcharge fees but not discounts for cash payments violates the free speech clause of the First Amendment. The argument relies on a claim derived from behavioral economics: namely, that a surcharge and a discount are mathematically equivalent, but that, because of behavioral biases, a price adjustment framed as a surcharge is more effective than one framed as a discount in inducing customers to pay with cash in lieu of credit. Because, Petitioners and amici claim, the only difference between the two is how they are labeled, the prohibition on surcharging is an impermissible restriction on commercial speech (and not a permissible regulation of conduct). Assessing the merits of the underlying economic arguments (but not the ultimate First Amendment claim), we conclude that, in this case, neither the behavioral economic
The Petitioners in the case (five New York businesses) and their amici (scholars of both behavioral law and economics and First Amendment law) argue that New York’s ban on surcharge fees but not discounts for cash payments violates the free speech clause of the First Amendment. The argument relies on a claim derived from behavioral economics: namely, that a surcharge and a discount are mathematically equivalent, but that, because of behavioral biases, a price adjustment framed as a surcharge is more effective than one framed as a discount in inducing customers to pay with cash in lieu of credit. Because, Petitioners and amici claim, the only difference between the two is how they are labeled, the prohibition on surcharging is an impermissible restriction on commercial speech (and not a permissible regulation of conduct). Assessing the merits of the underlying economic arguments (but not the ultimate First Amendment claim), we conclude that, in this case, neither the behavioral economic
Assessing the merits of the underlying economic arguments (but not the ultimate First Amendment claim), we conclude that, in this case, neither the behavioral economic theory, nor the evidence adduced to support it, justifies the Petitioners’ claims. The indeterminacy of the behavioral economics underlying the claims makes for a behavioral law and economics “just-so story”—an unsupported hypothesis about the relative effect of surcharges and discounts on consumer behavior adduced to achieve a desired legal result, but that happens to lack any empirical support. And not only does the evidence not support the contention that consumer welfare is increased by permitting card surcharge fees, it strongly suggests that, in fact, consumer welfare would be harmed by such fees, as they expose consumers to potential opportunistic holdup and rent extraction.
As far as we know, this is the first time the Supreme Court has been expressly asked to consider arguments rooted in behavioral law and economics in reaching its decision. It should decline the offer.
Popular Media On Tuesday the House takes its first step toward reforming the Dodd-Frank Act when the Financial Services Committee marks-up Chairman Jeb Hensarling’s Financial Choice Act.
On Tuesday the House takes its first step toward reforming the Dodd-Frank Act when the Financial Services Committee marks-up Chairman Jeb Hensarling’s Financial Choice Act. One surprisingly contentious provision of Mr. Hensarling’s bill—dividing even Republicans usually suspicious of price controls—is also one that could do the most good for small businesses and American consumers: repeal of the so-called Durbin Amendment.
ICLE White Paper Summary Introduced as part of the Dodd-Frank Act in 2010, the Durbin Amendment — named after its main sponsor, Senator Richard Durbin — sought to . . .
Introduced as part of the Dodd-Frank Act in 2010, the Durbin Amendment — named after its main sponsor, Senator Richard Durbin — sought to reduce the interchange fees assessed by large banks on each debit card transaction. The Durbin Amendment was hailed by proponents as a victory for merchants and consumers. In the words of Sen. Durbin, the Amendment aspired to help “every single Main Street business that accepts debit cards keep more of their money, which is a savings they can pass on to their consumers.”
In a 2014 analysis, we found that although the Durbin Amendment had generated benefits for largebox retailers, it had harmed many other merchants, especially those specializing in small-ticket items, and imposed substantial net costs on the majority of consumers, especially those from lower-income households.
In this study, we find that the passage of time has not ameliorated the harm to bank customers from the Durbin Amendment; to the contrary, earlier adverse trends have solidified or worsened. Nor do we find any indication that matters have improved for small merchants or retail consumers: Although large merchants continue to reap a Durbin Amendment windfall, there remains no evidence that small merchants have realized any cost savings — indeed, many have suffered cost increases. Nor is there any evidence that merchants have lowered prices for retail consumers; for many small-ticket items, in fact, prices have been driven up.
Finally, we identify a new trend that was not apparent when we examined the data three years ago: Contrary to our findings then, the two-tier system of interchange fee regulation (which exempts issuing banks with under $10 billion in assets) no longer appears to be protecting smaller banks from the Durbin Amendment’s adverse effects.
In sum:
In short, our findings in this report echo and reinforce our findings from 2014: Relative to the period before the Durbin Amendment, almost every segment of the interrelated retail, banking and consumer finance markets has been made worse off as a result of it. The Durbin Amendment appears on net to be hurting consumers and small businesses, especially low-income consumers, while providing little but speculative benefits to anyone but large retailers. Moreover, the regulation is starting to affect community banks and credit unions, as well, which can little afford the loss of revenue.
The Durbin experiment has proven a failure, and the price caps that it imposed should be removed.
Read full paper here or a fact sheet of the report’s findings.
Amicus Brief Petitioners base their First Amendment argument on two premises: first, that surcharges are “more effective” than discounts at altering consumer behavior; and second, that surcharges and discounts are economically equivalent except for their labels.
Petitioners base their First Amendment argument on two premises: first, that surcharges are “more effective” than discounts at altering consumer behavior; and second, that surcharges and discounts are economically equivalent except for their labels. Under this view, because the only difference between discounts and surcharges is how they are framed, it must be this framing that leads to the difference in consumers’ responses. To explain why Petitioners believe this is true—and, thus, to maintain their claim that New York’s surcharge prohibition is an impermissible restriction on speech—Petitioners and their amici rely on the behavioral economic concepts of “framing” and “loss aversion.” They claim that the State impermissibly wishes to prohibit surcharging because these cognitive biases render surcharge labels more effective than discount labels in altering consumers’ preferred form of payment.
Petitioners’ premises are wrong. There is no sound evidence that the asserted behavioral theories are at work here, or that credit-card surcharging— much less the mere label used to describe the practice—more greatly affects consumers’ chosen method of payment than cash discounting. In fact, some of the studies on which Petitioners and their amici rely suggest the opposite. The Court should not rely, in the absence of sound supporting evidence, on a malleable theory that can be used to support contradictory positions.
Moreover, surcharges and discounts differ in material ways beyond the words used to describe them. Surcharging—but not discounting—enables merchants to engage in certain pricing and sales practices that explain both consumers’ different responses to them, as well as the State’s interest in regulating them differently. And while petitioners lack empirical support for the behavioral claims at the heart of their First Amendment argument, the evidence from countries that permit surcharging reveals that merchants often use surcharges to engage in these types of pricing practices. This Court should thus reject Petitioners’ invitation to base constitutional doctrine on a behavioral hypothesis unsupported by any sound empirical evidence—especially where, as here, that result could potentially expose consumers to the type of conduct that the State’s law seeks to prevent.
Popular Media Electronic payments in general and payment cards in particular are rapidly replacing cash and checks as the preferred means of making consumer as well as many business purchases.
Excerpt Electronic payments in general and payment cards in particular are rapidly replacing cash and checks as the preferred means of making consumer as well as many business purchases. By enabling faster, more secure, traceable transactions, payment cards have been a key element in promoting greater integration of the world economy. Indeed, the entire growth of e-commerce and Internet shopping would be inconceivable without modern payment card networks. However, the pace of future innovation and growth is likely to be hampered by increasingly invasive government regulation, especially regarding the fees that may be charged by payment card networks. Both consumers and merchants benefit from the use of payment cards. Consumers benefit from convenience, such as by making transactions from home and avoiding holding cash. Meanwhile, credit cards enable consumers to make purchases even when they don’t have sufficient liquid resources – enabling them to smooth out their consumption. Merchants also benefit in several ways. First, they make more sales because consumers are not constrained by the amount of money in their wallet (or the need to make a trip to the bank or cash machine). Second, they enable businesses to process transactions more quickly (about twice as fast as cash – which in turn is faster than check). Third, the infrastructure required to support electronic payments is less cumbersome, piggybacks in part on existing communications networks, and reduces the need for physical security of currency (e.g., armoured cars and safes). Fourth, credit cards enable retailers to offload the cost and risk of offering their own credit operations. This has enabled small businesses to flourish and grow, enabling them to compete with larger companies without the need to run their own, expensive credit operations. Fifth, payment card networks facilitate the collection and processing of enormously valuable consumer data that can be used by merchants to expand their sales. Finally, electronic payments enable long-distance transactions (over the Internet, for example), dramatically increasing the size of merchants’ available markets.
Electronic payments in general and payment cards in particular are rapidly replacing cash and checks as the preferred means of making consumer as well as many business purchases. By enabling faster, more secure, traceable transactions, payment cards have been a key element in promoting greater integration of the world economy.
Indeed, the entire growth of e-commerce and Internet shopping would be inconceivable without modern payment card networks. However, the pace of future innovation and growth is likely to be hampered by increasingly invasive government regulation, especially regarding the fees that may be charged by payment card networks.
Both consumers and merchants benefit from the use of payment cards. Consumers benefit from convenience, such as by making transactions from home and avoiding holding cash. Meanwhile, credit cards enable consumers to make purchases even when they don’t have sufficient liquid resources – enabling them to smooth out their consumption.
Merchants also benefit in several ways. First, they make more sales because consumers are not constrained by the amount of money in their wallet (or the need to make a trip to the bank or cash machine).
Second, they enable businesses to process transactions more quickly (about twice as fast as cash – which in turn is faster than check). Third, the infrastructure required to support electronic payments is less cumbersome, piggybacks in part on existing communications networks, and reduces the need for physical security of currency (e.g., armoured cars and safes). Fourth, credit cards enable retailers to offload the cost and risk of offering their own credit operations.
This has enabled small businesses to flourish and grow, enabling them to compete with larger companies without the need to run their own, expensive credit operations. Fifth, payment card networks facilitate the collection and processing of enormously valuable consumer data that can be used by merchants to expand their sales. Finally, electronic payments enable long-distance transactions (over the Internet, for example), dramatically increasing the size of merchants’ available markets.
Continue reading at Cayman Financial Review
