Abstract

In the law of charitable trusts, courts wield exceptional power with respect to two equitable remedies—cy près and the closely related doctrine of deviation—they can confer on trusts that have purposes or terms rendered ineffectual. Either doctrine allows the court to prolong the trust’s life, perhaps forever. Historically, the invocation of these remedies was anathema to American courts. But increasingly, they have contemplated the possibility of extending the life of charitable trusts through application of these doctrines. In many ways, the evolution of these doctrines is owing to the jurisprudence involving trusts created for the benefit of a religious congregation or charity. Yet, this connection and the implications of judicial decisions regarding the right to these remedies has not garnered academic attention until now.

In this study, I analyze the extent to which courts have applied these equitable remedies to religious purpose charitable trusts via an econometric analysis of a universe of cases with a published opinion from an American court from the nation’s founding through 2019. This study provides a novel analysis of these equitable remedies and the history of religious purpose charitable trusts along a considerable timeline in American history. First, it explores how the equitable remedies of cy près and deviation were shaped by and shaped the caselaw around religious purpose charitable trusts, elucidating the simultaneity of the recognition of each as valid remedy and trust. Second, it examines the possible bias of the courts in awarding these remedies to certain religious groups but not others, ultimately finding that trusts created for the benefit of Catholic churches and charities were deemed less worthy of these remedies by the courts, all else equal. These findings have implications not only for understanding the application of these equitable remedies more deeply but also for uncovering the implicit and overt bias of the courts in cases where it has no actual basis.

ICLE President Geoffrey Manne joined Tech Policy Podcast host Corbin Barthold to discuss the start of the U.S. Justice Department’s Google search antitrust trial. The full episode is embedded below.

;

An issue that came up during a terrific panel that I participated in last Thursday—organized by the Federalist Society’s Regulatory Transparency Project—was whether age-verification laws for social-media use infringed on a First Amendment right of either adults or minors to receive speech anonymously.

My co-panelist Clare Morell of the Ethics and Public Policy Center put together an excellent tweet thread summarizing some of her thoughts, including on the anonymous-speech angle. Another co-panelist—Shoshana Weissmann of the R Street Institute—also has a terrific series of blog posts on this particular issue.

Continuing this ongoing Truth on the Market series on anonymous speech, I wanted to respond to some of these ideas, and to argue that the primary First Amendment and public-policy concerns with age-verification laws really aren’t about anonymous speech. Instead, they are about whether such laws place the burden of avoiding harms on the least-cost avoider. Or, in the language of First Amendment jurisprudence, whether they are the least restrictive means to achieve a particular policy end.

Read the full piece here.

With the European Commission’s recent announcement that it had deemed the revamped data-protection framework from the United States to be “adequate” under the European Union’s stringent General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), the stage is set for what promises to be a legal rollercoaster in the European Court of Justice (CJEU). The Commission’s decision is certain to be challenged, and the CJEU’s ultimate decision in that case has the potential to shape transatlantic relations and global data governance for years to come.

Read the full piece here.

On June 27, 2023, the Federal Trade Commission (“FTC”) announced proposed changes to Hart-Scott-Rodino Act (“HSR Act”) premerger notification form. Less than a month later, on July 19, the FTC and Department of Justice (“DOJ”) announced proposed changes to the agencies’ joint merger guidelines. These proceedings are closely related, both part of the Biden administration’s ongoing efforts to approach U.S. merger law more aggressively. But despite being part of the same substantive agenda, these two sets of changes are governed by distinct procedural rules and, ultimately, are likely to have very different effects on how merger law is enforced in the United States.

Read the full piece here.

Nearly 93% of American households have at-home internet access. Most have subscriptions through an internet service provider and some have access without having to pay for a subscription. Even so, more than nine million U.S. household remain unconnected to the internet at home.

To close this gap, the federal government created the Affordable Connectivity Program in 2021 to help many of these households get connected and stay connected throughout the COVID-19 pandemic. Congress appropriated more than $14 billion to fund the program, which provides eligible low-income families with a $30 monthly discount on internet service and a one-time $100 subsidy to purchase equipment necessary for an internet connection.

Read the full piece here.

I participated yesterday in a webinar panel hosted by the Federalist Society’s Regulatory Transparency Project. The video was livestreamed at YouTube. Below, I offer my opening remarks, with some links.

Thank you for having me. As mentioned, I’m a senior scholar in innovation policy at the International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE). This means I have the institutional responsibility to talk to you today about Ronald Coase and transaction costs. Don’t worry, I’ll define my terms and explain why these things are important. In fact, I think it could help to frame our discussion, before offering my own preliminary thoughts on the debates over a duty of care to protect minors online and online age-verification and parental-consent laws.

Read the full piece here.

The U.S. Senate moved yesterday in a 55-43 vote to confirm Anna Gomez to the Federal Communications Commission. Her confirmation breaks a partisan deadlock at the agency that has been in place since the beginning of the Biden administration, when Commissioner Jessica Rosenworcel vacated her seat to become FCC chair.

The commission now has a 3-2 Democratic majority. With the new majority, many speculate that the FCC will push to bring back net neutrality, which President Joe Biden supports. The president’s July 9, 2021 executive order specifically “encouraged” the FCC to “[r]estore Net Neutrality rules undone by the prior administration.” Deadline reminds us that Gomez served as counselor to Obama-era FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler, when the commission voted to reclassify broadband service under the banner of net neutrality.

Read the full piece here.

ICLE Senior Scholar took part in an online panel hosted by the Federalist Society’s Regulatory Transparency Project regarding recent regulatory and legislative proposals to enact age-verification requirements for access to social media and adult websites. Video of the full panel is embedded below.