ICLE Director of Law & Economics Programs Gus Hurwitz joined Steptoe & Johnson’s The Cyberlaw Podcast to discuss the American Data Privacy and Protection Act’s legislative prospects. The full episode is embedded below.

Abstract

In the first quarter of 2022, the Stanford Computational Antitrust project team invited the partnering antitrust agencies to share their advances in implementing computational tools. Here are the results of the survey.

When campaigning for his progressive income tax, Illinois Gov. J.B. Pritzker argued it was needed to address “income inequality” and fund education and social services.

Although voters rejected the tax hike, Pritzker has succeeded in reducing income inequality without it. He did so by driving away the state’s wealthiest person.

Billionaire investor Ken Griffin and his family are moving to Florida.

Read the full piece here.

The European Union’s Digital Markets Act (DMA) has been finalized in principle, although some legislative details are still being negotiated. Alas, our earlier worries about user privacy still have not been addressed adequately.

Read the full piece here.

Just three weeks after a draft version of the legislation was unveiled by congressional negotiators, the American Data Privacy and Protection Act (ADPPA) is heading to its first legislative markup, set for tomorrow morning before the U.S. House Energy and Commerce Committee’s Consumer Protection and Commerce Subcommittee.

Read the full piece here.

Abstract

This comment by 25 law professors, economists and former United States government officials was submitted to the European Union Commission in response to a “call for evidence” on the licensing, litigation, and remedies of standard-essential patents (SEPs). It details the principal concepts and substantial evidence relating to the constructive role of SEPs in efficiently promoting innovation and structuring commercialization activities in high-tech devices generally and the mobile revolution specifically. It also addresses widespread misunderstandings and misstatements about the commercialization and litigation of SEPs. It broadly makes three points.

First, in contrast to the evidence of the positive role of SEPs in promoting innovation and commercialization in wireless technologies, no published empirical study has found evidence of the predicted marketplace effects of “holdup” or “royalty stacking” theories, such as higher prices, less innovation, and less market competition in smartphones. Second, contrary to claims by some commentators that courts do not issue injunctions for the infringement of SEPs, the comment reviews some representative decisions from the substantial case law in Europe in which SEP owners have requested or obtained injunctions against implementers engaging in holdout tactics. Third, it explains how courts have consistently held that the fair, reasonable, and non-discriminatory (FRAND) commitment by SEP owners does not mandate a “license to all” rule nor that reasonable royalties be calculated according to the “smallest salable, patent practicing unit” (SSPPU) standard. These court decisions are consistent with the economic function and evidence of SEP licensing on FRAND terms.

The mobile revolution has created unparalleled economic and technological growth over the past three decades. So long as courts provide robust enforcement of intellectual property rights, and do not impede the licensing and other contracts predicated on those rights, there is every reason to believe that the mobile market will continue to thrive. The comment concludes with an Appendix listing the substantial, published literature addressing both the success of the SEP-based sector of the global innovation economy and the numerous substantive and methodological flaws in “holdup” and “royalty stacking” theories.

As Congress faces the possibility of a worldwide recession, historic inflation, pandemic recovery and supply chain issues – they should avoid increasing tariffs at all costs. Although tariffs might seem like a helpful tool – often they cause real damage by stifling trade and raising the prices of imports. Oregonians, like most Americans, are trying to find ways to make ends meet and the last thing they need is for costs to go up and that is exactly what Congress is considering right now.

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A non-compete obligation is a contractual promise by one party to refrain from conducting business of a similar nature to that of the other party. Non-compete obligations are encountered principally in contracts for the sale of a business and contracts of employment. In general (although with localized exceptions, e.g., regarding employment in the State of California), such agreements are enforceable provided they are reasonable and limited in scope, territory, and duration. In addition, employment non-compete obligations typically must be supported by adequate consideration. Non-compete obligations may be anticompetitive if they amount to a naked division of territory or customers among the parties or are collusively deployed among competing firms (i.e., “no poach agreements”).

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Abstract

The phenomenon of social-media-driven trading (SMD trading) entered the public consciousness earlier this year when GameStop’s stock price was driven up two orders of magnitude by a “hivemind” of individual investors coordinating their actions via social media. Some believe that GameStop’s price is artificially high and is destined to fall. Yet the stock prices of GameStop and other prominent SMD trading targets like AMC Entertainment continue to remain well above historical levels.

Much recent SMD trading is driven by profit motives. But a meaningful part of the rise has been a result of expressive trading—a subset of SMD trading—in which investors buy or sell for non-profit-seeking reasons like social or political activism, or for aesthetic reasons like a nostalgia play. To date, expressive trading has only benefited issuers by raising their stock prices. There is nothing, however, to prevent these traders from employing similar methods for driving a target’s stock price down (e.g., to influence or extort certain behaviors from issuers).

At least for now, stock prices raised by SMD trading have been sticky and appear at least moderately sustainable. The expressive aspect, which unites the traders under a common banner, is likely a reason that dramatic price increases resulting from profit-seeking SMD trading have persisted. Without a nonfinancial motivation to hold the group together, its members would be expected to defect and take profits.

Given that SMD trading appears to be more than a passing fad, issuers and their compliance departments ought to be prepared to respond when targeted by SMD trading. A question that might arise is whether and when SMD-trading-targeted issuers, and their insiders, may trade in their firms’ shares without running afoul of insider trading laws.

This Article proceeds as follows: Part I summarizes the current state of insider trading law, with special focus on the elements of materiality and publicity. Part II opens with a brief summary of the filing, disclosure, and other (non-insider-trading-related) requirements issuers and their insiders may face when trading in their own company’s shares under any circumstance. The remainder of this Part analyzes the insider trading-related legal implications of three different scenarios in which issuers and their insiders trade in their own company’s shares in response to SMD trading. The analysis reveals that although the issuer’s and insiders’ nonpublic internal information may be material (and therefore preclude their legal trading) prior to and just after the onset of third-party SMD trading in the company’s stock, subsequent SMD price changes (if sufficiently dramatic) may diminish the importance of the company’s nonpublic information, rendering it immaterial. If the issuer’s and insiders’ nonpublic information about the firm is immaterial, then they may trade while in possession of it without violating the anti-fraud provisions of the federal securities laws.