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Betteridge’s Law of Headlines states: “Any headline that ends in a question mark can be answered by the word no.” But, apparently, folks in the nation’s capital found a way around Betteridge’s Law.

This week, a U.S. House subcommittee hearing featured testimony from all five members of the Federal Communications Commission (FCC). The majority on the House Energy and Commerce Subcommittee on Communications and Technology did away with the question mark, titling the hearing “Oversight of President Biden’s Broadband Takeover.”

While it might be a stretch to call the administration’s broadband-policy agenda a “takeover,” one can be forgiven for concluding that the FCC is moving forward with so many massive and comprehensive interventions in nearly every aspect of the broadband market that it looks a lot like a takeover.

Read the full piece here.

Abstract

As an industry, communications satellites have traced a wobbly trajectory. Envisioned to bring revolutionary advances to telecommunications services in the U.S. Communications Satellite Act of 1962, the marketplace did open via Comsat, a public-private partnership. But the sluggish pace was revealed a decade later when progress increased substantially with the Open Skies policy. Free entry collapsed costs for wide area distribution of broadcasting services, launching the U.S. cable television industry (disrupting the TV broadcasting triopoly) in the 1980s and then direct-to-subscriber satellite TV (challenging the new incumbent cable operators) in the 1990s. In ensuing decades, however, fortunes reversed. Satellite phone and broadband service providers—Iridium, Teledesic, Motient, Intelsat and many others—financially crashed and burned. Yet another reversal may now be in evidence, however: satellites in service have increased more than three-fold in the past decade. Spasms of technological progress, including gains in small device electronics, are driving market change: “While some [satellites] are the size of a bus and weighing over 6,000 pounds, they can also be as small as a lunchbox,” noted a 2018 Aspen Institute report. “Constellations can now be composed of hundreds or even thousands of satellites.” The new mega-constellations are creating a crowded sky. With demand for orbital slots and complementary radio bands dramatically intensifying, new policy formulations are being floated. We outline possible innovations in spectrum property rights.

Hootenannies are mostly peaceful affairs, so it’s a bit awkward to invoke a violent metaphor here.

In “Raiders of the Lost Ark,” Indiana Jones runs down a Cairo sidestreet only to be confronted by a swordsman. The swordsman makes a big show of tossing his weapon from hand-to-hand and swirling it around. But Indy has no time for such nonsense—he pulls out his gun and shoots the would-be assassin.

U.S. spectrum policy is much like the swordsman. While the telecom regulators swirl around studies of how to allocate spectrum, the rest of the world is pulling the trigger.

Read the full piece here.

Abstract

It is always an appropriate time to reevaluate, reexamine, and question the optimal scope and shape of our antitrust institutions. For example, the United States is peculiar in having two distinct antitrust enforcement agencies. More peculiar still, the agencies have both common and unique functions. For example, both the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice (DOJ) review mergers pursuant to Section 7 of the Clayton Act and enforce Sections 1 and 2 of the Sherman Act through civil actions. At the same time, the Division alone is responsible for criminal enforcement of the Sherman Act, and the FTC alone enforces the Clayton Act provisions that prohibit tying and unfair methods of competition. Layered atop the peculiar dual jurisdiction of the FTC and DOJ at the federal level is a remarkably complex and decentralized system of competition enforcement authority distributed among myriad federal sectoral regulators, state attorneys general, and private litigants.

This article asks whether the current distribution of competition functions in the U.S. can be improved by some reorganization or other reform. We answer in the affirmative and propose several changes — perhaps the most significant being consolidating the competition functions of the FTC into the Antitrust Division. We also propose stripping the Federal Communications Commission of authority independently to review mergers, as the Congress did with regard to the Department of Transportation in view of its similarly poor performance reviewing airline mergers. Our more general proposals regarding the authority of sectoral regulators over competition should not be overlooked, however; it would do much good and has little or no downside.

Read at SSRN.

It happens at just about every hootenanny. There’s always at least one song that clears the dance floor. Some tunes, people just won’t dance to. But with a little remixing and a better tempo, even a dirge can be danceable.

For years, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) has refused to dance to the tune of research that suggests Title II regulation depresses broadband investment. But a recently published paper changes the tune so much that the FCC can’t—or at least shouldn’t—ignore the vibe.

Read the full piece here.

Idon’t mean to sound like a broken record, but why is the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) playing a broken record?

I’ve been writing a fair bit about Federal Trade Commission (FTC) rulemaking initiatives. On the theory that you deserve a nominal break from all of that, this post is mostly about the FCC.

On Sept. 28, the FCC published a “fact sheet” and a notice of proposed rulemaking (NPRM) on “Safeguarding and Securing the Open Internet.” Just shy of a month later, on Oct. 25, the FCC published another “fact sheet” and NPRM—this one, on “Preventing Digital Discrimination.”

My International Center for Law & Economics (ICLE) colleague Eric Fruits has written about the proposals here, here, here, here, here, and, with our colleague Ben Sperry, here. ICLE’s Kristian Stout is here. Eric explains how, in relatively straightforward fashion, the anti-discrimination requirements could lead to price regulation, notwithstanding the FCC’s own observation that “there is little to no evidence of intentional digital discrimination of access.”

Read the full piece here.

 

Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Chair Jessica Rosenworcel this week announced a notice of inquiry (NOI) seeking input on a proposal to raise the minimum connection-speed benchmarks that the commission uses to define “broadband.” The current benchmark speed is 25/3 Mbps. The chair’s proposal would raise the benchmark to 100/20 Mbps, with a goal of having a benchmark of 1000/500 Mbps by the year 2030.

Read the full piece here.

The Federal Communications Commission’s (FCC) proposed digital-discrimination rules hit the streets earlier this month and, as we say at Hootenanny Central, they’re a real humdinger.

It looks like the National Telecommunications and Information Agency (NTIA) got most of their wishlist incorporated into the proposed rules. We’ve got disparate impact and a wide-open door for future rate regulation.

Here’s the tl;dr version of the new rules. More details at the end of this post.

Read the full piece here.

tl;dr

Background: Section 60506 of 2021’s Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) mandated that the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) adopt rules to prevent discrimination in the deployment of broadband internet access “based on income level, race, ethnicity, color, religion, or national origin.” FCC Chair Jessica Rosenworcel recently outlined that the rules the commission intends to promulgate would define such digital discrimination “to include both disparate treatment and disparate impact.”

But… This approach conflicts with U.S. Supreme Court precedent on when a statute calls for disparate-impact analysis. The commission’s rulemaking will therefore likely invite lawsuits that challenge the agency’s authority to adopt these rules under the statute. 

This is particularly true under the Supreme Court’s emerging “major questions” doctrine, which requires that Congress speak clearly if it wants to delegate authority over questions of major economic or political significance to executive agencies.

The FCC’s broad interpretation of its mandate to promulgate digital-discrimination rules under the IIJA faces significant risk of being vacated by the courts, particularly if a challenge were to reach the Supreme Court.

KEY TAKEAWAYS

DISPARATE TREATMENT, DISPARATE IMPACT 

In discrimination law, disparate treatment refers to conduct intended to discriminate against one or more protected groups. In contrast, disparate impact is a finding that one or more protected groups is observed to experience different outcomes.

For example, disparate-impact analysis might find that low-income households have lower rates of internet adoption, and infer this was due to discrimination. Disparate-treatment analysis would evaluate whether the lower rate of adoption was due to provider policies or practices that were intended to stifle adoption by low-income households. 

In general, the bar to demonstrate a claim of discrimination is much lower under disparate impact than disparate treatment. But the FCC decided to incorporate both standards. In other words, a plaintiff would need to show disparate impact or disparate treatment in order to prove discrimination. 

But Section 60506’s language mandating the FCC prevent digital discrimination “based on” protected characteristics arguably indicates that Congress intended the FCC adopt a disparate-treatment approach. The Supreme Court has found that a statute must include “results-oriented language” to justify a disparate-impact approach to discrimination, which Section 60506 lacks.

MAJOR QUESTIONS AND CHEVRON

The so-called “major questions” doctrine affects how courts interpret congressional delegations of authority to federal agencies. The courts could find, for example, that if Congress intended the FCC to use a disparate-impact standard, it needed to say so clearly. The terse wording of Section 60506 does not appear to meet this level of clarity.

Even under longstanding Chevron analysis, an executive agency’s interpretation of a statute does not receive deference unless there is ambiguity in the enabling statute. Given the precedent, Section 60506 does not appear ambiguous in calling for a disparate-treatment standard.

TECHNICAL AND ECONOMIC FEASIBILITY

The IIJA requires that the FCC “tak[e] into account the issues of technical and economic feasibility” in crafting its digital-discrimination rules. Among the universe of potentially profitable broadband projects, firms will give priority to those that promise greater returns on investment. Such returns depend on factors like population density, terrain, regulations, and taxes, as well as a given consumer population’s willingness to adopt and pay for broadband. Many of these factors are, in turn, correlated with protected characteristics under the IIJA. A disparate-impact standard could thus incorrectly deem it to be improper discrimination when a firm responds to purely economic factors in its deployment decisions.

THE INCOME CONUNDRUM 

Congress’ inclusion of income level as a protected class in the IIJA made the FCC’s job much more difficult. Because income level is highly correlated with various protected (e.g., race and national origin) and unprotected (e.g., education level and home-computer ownership) characteristics, evaluations of income-based discrimination claims face a high likelihood of false positives, especially under a disparate-impact standard. Adoption of digital-discrimination rules that fail to recognize this “income conundrum” will invite costly and time-consuming litigation, both where no such discrimination exists and where it should be excused by considerations of economic feasibility. 

SLOUCHING TOWARD RATE REGULATION

Though the FCC has for years explicitly denied that it intends to impose direct rate regulation on broadband-internet providers, the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) recently advised the FCC that: “Without addressing pricing as a possible source of discrimination, the Commission will be hard pressed to meet its statutory mandate to prevent digital discrimination of access.”

Any attempt to impose rate regulation under the language of Section 60506 would similarly face legal challenges under the major questions doctrine and Chevron.

For more on this issue, see “ICLE Ex Parte on Digital Discrimination.”